The only way that Kenneth Clarke can become leader is by suppressing his pro-European views. This does not apply only to joining the euro — off the agenda for a very long time — or the now defunct constitution. Mr Clarke’s team says that his Shadow Cabinet would reflect the range of opinion on Europe in the party, that is the sceptic majority. Moreover, that would affect his response to any Labour initiatives to try to split the Tories. At most, a Clarke leadership might safeguard pro-European MPs until what they hope might be better days.

The three other candidates are firmly Eurosceptic, as are most of the 50-odd new Tory MPs elected in May. Liam Fox has attacked the idea of “ever closer union” and has called for Tory MEPs to break their links with the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP). This is even though he reaffirmed their links with the group just before the European elections last year. Dr Fox wants to set up a new bloc of centre-right Atlantist parties. But such a bloc is likely to be small and include some pretty strange nationalist groups.

David Davis has talked of ending the ratchet effect of current EU changes, which make them irreversible. In his view, the transfer of powers should be reversible.

David Cameron has been keen to avoid being depicted as sympathetic to the EU. So being an outward-looking moderniser does not mean being pro-European. Mr Cameron has argued that “those who believe that pressure for deeper integration in Europe has somehow gone away are wrong. With the centralising agenda rejected in referendums, now is the time to press home the arguments for radical change: returning employment and social regulation to national control”.

He also said publicly that he wants to withdraw the Tories from the EPP. So his position would be more Eurosceptic than now.

Yesterday, Mr Cameron gained the support of two strong Eurosceptics, Bernard Jenkin and Douglas Carswell, a member of both the 92 and Cornerstone Groups. He already has the support of Theresa Villiers, a bright sceptic former MEP.

So the Tories look likely to be outside the mainstream of the European Centre-Right, almost whoever wins. Although Mr Clarke might instinctively want to remain close to the EPP, he would be boxed in. Of course, as Mr Clarke argues, there is no reason why the Tories should not put their damaging divisions over Europe behind them in order to attack a Gordon Brown premiership. But do they want to do so? It is not just about being part of the EPP. There is strong pressure for a formal renegotiation of Britain’s place in the EU, for repatriating powers. Euroscepticism will still define the Tory party.

Missed opportunity to defend integrity of vote

THE Government risks compounding its recent poor record on the running of the electoral system.

After rushing too far, too fast with all-postal voting, against the advice of the independent Electoral Commission, and after a high-profile case of fraud in Birmingham, there were signs for the better in May. Electoral matters were put solely in the hands of the Department for Constitutional Affairs, under Harriet Harman, a senior minister.

But in its new Electoral Administration Bill, the Government has again ignored the advice of the commission to replace the current system of registration by household, which is open to abuse and fraud, with individual registration, via signatures and dates of birth. This is vital to ensure security for postal voting.

The Government has, however, rejected this proposal, proposing pilot schemes. Ministers fear registration would fall, undermining the goal of raising participation.

But individual registration is crucial to restore the integrity of the system, and should accompany other measures backed by Ms Harman to reduce the number of unregistered. Also, the option of all-postal voting has been left open. The Government has missed an opportunity.

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