Anatole Kaletsky
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The fuss about private equity, which has recently been jostling for space on the business pages with genuine news about interest rates, stock markets, the rise of Asia and climate change, is the quintessential storm in a teacup. Why has this obscure technical issue suddenly caught the public imagination, even invading dinner party conversations in which discussions of finance are normally confined to boasts or complaints about the rise in house prices?
The answers, which began to emerge yesterday in the hearings of the House of Commons Treasury Select Committee, are much more interesting – and more important for Britain’s economic future – than any of the questions over how private equity is regulated or taxed.
To understand the true reasons for the campaign against private equity we have to recall the history of this controversy. The fuss began a few months ago when several prominent European trade unionists, led by IG Metall in Germany and the GMB in Britain, started complaining that private equity firms were behaving like “asset strippers” or even “locusts”.
The crimes that the firms were accused of entailed their entire modus operandi: buying businesses that were considered relatively unattractive by their original owners – including such British brands as Boots, Birds Eye and the Automobile Association – and then restructuring them to generate bigger profits, often by sacking workers, spinning off subsidiaries, selling property and taking on more debt. The trade unions’ objection to such activities was understandable enough, since in many cases the restructured companies did not only dismiss existing staff, but also broke up longstanding collective bargaining arrangements and hired more non-union employees.
There were, however, two big weaknesses with this line of attack. The first was that detailed evidence on private equity companies did not, in general, support the claims made by the unions. Instead of destroying jobs and stripping businesses down to their bare essentials, private equity deals, at least in Britain, turned out to be quite beneficial not only for investors but also for employees. The largest study of British private equity deals, published late last year by the Centre for Management BuyOut Research at Nottingham University Business School, showed that employment had risen by 21 per cent on average after four years, although it did dip typically by 5 per cent in the first year after a buyout. It also showed that productivity almost doubled in this period and that product innovation and investment increased.
Embarrassingly for the trade union campaigners, the Nottingham study “found higher levels of employment, employee empowerment and wages” after these deals. To put it another way, private equity deals have turned out, on the whole, to be not very different from many other restructurings performed on sleepy British businesses since Margaret Thatcher launched her privatisation programme. All these restructurings, going right back to British Telecom in 1985, were opposed by the unions and initially by most employees, but in the end many of them produced not only more profitable companies, but also in many cases better working conditions and higher wages for the employees who remained.
The marked similarities between the present wave of business restructurings and the privatisations of the 1980s points to the second problem with the frontal assault on the private equity business. The actions that unions found so objectionable – slimming down employment, focusing operations on core businesses, selling off underperforming assets, refinancing balance sheets to improve tax efficiency – were really no different from the corporate strategies undertaken by most successful businesses, whether they were owned by private equity, a single family or investor or the stock market at large.
The only distinction that really matters for business management these days is between operations that are highly profitable and those that are not. The initial attacks on the private equity industry, when stripped down to their essence, amounted to a rejection of profit as the main yardstick for business success. And while a thinly disguised attack on the profit motive may have been acceptable, indeed popular, with the trade union movement, the traditional Labour Party and even the British public – it turned out to be totally unacceptable to new Labour ideology as redefined by Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
Having recognised this a few months ago, opponents of private equity moved to a new line of attack. Instead of denouncing the impact of corporate restructurings, they turned to a line of criticism that seemed certain to win the support of a Chancellor desperate for new revenue sources, by exposing the alleged tax privileges enjoyed by private equity. However, the attack on the alleged subsidies afforded to highly leveraged takeovers by Britain’s tax regime misfired again. It turned out, on closer inspection, that the unions’ criticisms of private equity companies as taxpayers applied to all private companies in Britain. What the unions were really calling for was a fundamental reform of the entire British corporate tax system – and one that would move directly against the pro-investment tax reforms adopted by successive Chancellors since the early 1980s and particularly by Mr Brown, who deliberately made debt financing more attractive to all private companies in his very first Budget ten years ago.
After suffering this setback, the opponents of private equity have been left with only one genuine argument – the tax privileges enjoyed by the employees of private equity firms as individuals. Here the critics have hit on a more promising issue, since a 10 per cent marginal tax rate does seem overly generous for multimillionaires. But again they run into the problem that the private equity partners’ advantages are just a specific case of a general tax relief that Mr Brown deliberately created for all investors in all private companies, to widespread and justified acclaim.
The upshot is likely to be a marginal revision of the tax code, forcing the British partners in private equity firms to treat a larger portion of their earnings as ordinary income, subject to 40 per cent income tax, rather than capital gains. But the impact of such any such change will be marginal – partly because an estimated 160 out of the top 200 earners in the UK-based private equity industry are not domiciled in Britain and partly because there is plenty of flexibility to restructure their transactions so as to continue minimising tax.
Minor tax reforms will have very little impact on either the private equity business or the City of London. Still less will they satisfy the private equity industry’s critics who are really railing against capitalism and private profit.

Anatole Kaletsky writes for The Times Comment pages on Thursdays. One of the country's leading commentators on economics, he was formerly Economics Editor and is now an Associate Editor of The Times. He has won many awards for his financial and political journalism. Before joining The Times, he worked for 12 years on the Financial Times
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Private equity as it is practiced today is a business model made feasible only by a fiat monetary system gone terminally awry. Legislation at this point is irrelevant. One last time: the end is nigh.
Ludwig, Austria,
Why to Target Private Equity in free market?
They have their own method of working and they are successful they will continue to do it and if there is a flaw in their working time will tell the truth, why to ask governement to do something, who is generally irrational in providing protection with wrong side effects.
Jigar P. Shah, Mumbai , India
Something is rather strange about the deals where a quoted company is taken private only to be floated again a few years later at a much higher price.
Is it really credible that the same underperforming managers suddenly improve, when a company is taken private? Or is it not more likely, that the institutional shareholders sell out far too cheaply?
james c, london, london
The whole debate will be resolved in a few years time when the current rash of private equity deals reach their conclusions and the businesses are sold on. If high profile deals with Boots, the AA, Man Utd etc. result in successful sales back to the market at significant profit then it would be hard to argue that private equity hasn't contributed to the wider economy. If, however, some of these deals fail resulting in suffering for employees and investors then the government has a duty to clamp down on the PE industry through tax and regulation.
Stephen Grindle, London, UK
I couldnât agree more. Aside from the arguments about personal taxation, I cannot see the problem with growing private equity involvement in the economy. In areas such as R&D investment, improved productivity, employment and profitability, private equity has proved itself to be a superior model. As a result, Britainâs economy will only become more competitive. Ultimately the objections come down to plain old fashioned envy from a bunch of unreformed socialists in snazzy suits.
James B, London, UK
Readers should listen to the playback of the treasury select committee meeting on Wednesday. I have. I was shocked to realise real socialists were not extinct.
This is about more than "how private equity is regulated or taxed". This is about the structure of corporate Britain and how it competes in the global economy.
Listen carefully to the words of Private Equity's critics. While popular socialists focus on tax, the real socialists' agenda is preventing change, restricting the benefits of ownership, and limiting individual freedom.
Thanks to www.parliamentlive.tv we can all listen to the evidence.
Robin, London,
The article from Anatole is spot on. The notion that the entire private equity industry is "asset stripping" is ludicrous; PE investors drive profit increases largely through investing further capital (including human). In the instances where jobs are cut, they are simply making inefficient companies efficient. The alternative is that the underperforming company continues becoming uncompetitive putting the entire workforce at risk.
Philip, London, UK
Lets see freakish lifespan 100 years, 90 percent = 90 years.
Freakish indeed!
Mark, I can see you are not in the biz.
Gary, Basildon,
Private Equity is under fire because it ceased to fund startups in favour of being robber barons doing takeovers, some hostile. It is Merchant Banking.
The farce of taper relief of 10% after 24 months holding is patently obvious - it should be 60 months to appear less like a fast-money scheme. They over-egged the pudding.
Greed becomes simply too blatant to ignore and embarrassingly so. There is no reason for CGT to be reduced to a 2-year holding period and IHT to be set at such ridiculously low levels. Which political parties are funded by private equity ? Which have been bought out ?
TomTom, Leeds, England
Totally agree with you Anatole, stuff the socialist dinosaurs and their backwards unions. Profit is great!!!
Tom, London, UK
Agreed. Moreover, it's not the private equity giants that make the tax law. The select committee of MPs voted for the tax laws that were proposed by the Chancellor. It's because of our useless MPs and our even more useless chancellor that we have such a high average rate of tax and so many tax anomalies. If the chancellor didn't think he was oh-so-superior he would realise that he doesn't have a revenue problem, he has a spending problem.
Philippa Pirie, London,
If Private equity is so beneficial to businesses why are the figures for investment and R&D so dissappointing at such a bullish stage for the economy?. Doesn't that suggest that the main driver for private equity has been to maximize "sweating the assets" of the companies they buy whilst also circumventing the much tougher regulatory environment of a public company listing.
This bull run in equities has been driven by the merger and acquisition environment. Where are the retail investors of the dot-com era? Amercian investors were net sellers of equities in the last year. They don't believe in this bullish scenario because they got their fingers burnt in 2000. Without the retail investor to pump up prices (witness the chinese market right now) means companies shares are relatively cheap and therefore enticing to private equity. That is the driver ,NOT NEW EFFICIENT FORMS OF MANAGEMENT. Most studies show that privately listed firms,that were previously public ,don't outperform.
Dominic O'Dell, London, UK
A handful of freakishly intelligence and competent individuals who are lubricating the cogs that work the invisible hand in our capitalist society.
They may only pay 10% tax, but given that they work 90% of their lives (compared to that standard 60/40 ratio), I think that's a fair trade.
Having said that, for the benefit of British business, I think these individuals should be made to give free seminars in management techniques.
Mark, Woking, UK
If two people buy two houses, and rent to each other, they can claim back tax on the mortgage interest, which is obviously wrong. Attempts to encourage investment by tweaking the tax system always causes those sorts of problems.
However employees, including company directors, never have interests which coincide exactly with those of the shareholders. Hence paper bonfires have to be initiated from above. As a general rule the economy benefits, and even the pen pushers themselves find better jobs in the long run, but you always have a few personal tragedies.
Malcolm McLean , Bradford, UK
While the total number of employees may decline only slightly, and then increase, many of the employees who were at the company lose their jobs. This is because they have little interest in doing much work, but in a public company this was tolerated by management as part of the general strategy of living well and not rocking the boat.
The private equity investors will clean house first at the higher management levels, but the managers they hire will then get rid of the employees they have inherited and replace them with workers who are willing to work hard in return for high pay. Many of the employees who lose their jobs will have a difficult time finding another position pays only moderately but does not require much effort. This is why they are so upset.
Jonathan, NYC, USA
We simply don't like seeing others make lots of money. It's a British thing!
Tony, London, UK
I have read many reports on growth, rationalisation, restructuring, redundancy, increased profits, core businesses, asset stripping, shareholder equity, refinancing etc etc etc. I don't often see the customer being mentioned. Probably the masters of the universe wouldn't know what a customer was if it fell out of the sky and fractured their skulls. Cadbury is going to lose 8000 jobs and Jessops close 80 stores. This will improve their 'balance sheets' but how exactly will it improve my chocolate bar or my photos? And what is this obsession with 'growth' anyway. What's wrong with staying the same and being happy to provide a service? Does Tesco need to build a new store every seventeen seconds. Does WalMart need to annexe China? In the end they're only selling baked beans, it's not life and death.
eric campbell, harrogate, uk
Geared capital returns will always seem huge to the number blind.
Changing the taper relief rules would impact the swathes of landlords ("buy to let" is a redundant phrase) who have seen their portfolios' values rocket in recent years.
Legislating for the few is the driver behind much anti-competitive bureaucracy and our over-complicated tax system.
Richard Boyce, Haywards Heath, Sussex
The frightening thing is that with the socialistic views (some bordering on communism) in this country, profit has become a dirty word. People simply don't seem to realise that the purpose of a business is not merely to be a money tree that pays salaries. A business is there to earn a profit and people go into business with the hope that the larger risk they are taking is going to generate larger rewards.
Why take a big risk if you are going to be no better off than Joe Soap and especially when you could end up worse?
Chantel, UK,
It's under fire because it represents the uneasy, unarticulated view that the markets are frothing to a point where not only a correction but a crash are long overdue.
Peter Beckham, Brighton, UK