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Great political and cultural events tend to announce themselves with suitable
fanfare. They are often highly visible moments in history: the signing of
the Declaration of Independence, the assassination of Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, the transfer of David Beckham to Hollywood.
Great economic events are usually different. They take time to become
recognised, unfolding over a decade or even a generation. The Industrial
Revolution was never reported in a newspaper headline. The Great Depression
was not an inevitable result of the stock market crash of 1929, but crept up
on us slowly.
So it should not, but it probably will, come as a surprise to know that we are
living through one of the great transformations of modern history. Almost
unnoticed, most of the industrialised world, especially the Anglo-Saxon part
of it, has enjoyed a period of unprecedented economic stability.
Recessions were once as frequent and as regular as World Cups or general
elections. Now, like hurricanes in Hereford, they hardly happen. The classic
business cycle has worked for centuries in a simple, recognisable way. As an
economy grows, inflation accelerates. Interest rates then rise, cutting
borrowing and investment. That causes production to decline, pushing up
unemployment and producing a recession. Between 1950 and 1982 the US had
seven recessions, one every 4.6 years. The UK had the same number and
frequency. In between those recessions, inflation rose, reaching a higher
peak in each cycle.
But something historic has happened in the past quarter of a century. The
business cycle has not been abolished, but in the US and the UK, it has been
stretched, to improbably great lengths. In the process, the wild
fluctuations of employment, output, inflation and interest rates have been
firmly damped. The peaks of inflation have been lower, and the troughs of
output shallower.
As Gordon Brown constantly reminds us, the UK has not had a traditional
recession for 15 years. Since the bottom of the slump of the early 1980s
there has been only one recession in the past quarter of a century. The US
did have a recession relatively recently, but a very short and shallow one;
the previous one, in the early 1990s, was similar.
Economists have coined a term for this remarkable period of stability. Taking
their cue from the Great Depression of the 1930s and the Great Inflation of
the 1970s and 1980s, they have called the current era the Great Moderation.
It doesn’t quite compete with the previous two for drama, does it? “What was
it like in the Great Moderation, grandad?” “Ee, lad it were amazing! One
year unemployment would be 6 per cent the next year it would be 5.9 per
cent! You’d go to the shop for a pint of milk, and three years later it
would cost exactly the same.”
One baleful consequence of stability is that it has not done much for cultural
innovation and ingenuity. It is volatility and instability that produce the
best in human intellectual endeavour. The Great Depression gave us John
Steinbeck; the Great Inflation gave us the Beatles. The Great Moderation has
given us Dan Brown and Mariah Carey.
And yet, as dull as it all may seem, the Great Moderation has been as
consequential as either of the last two eras. It is surely the main reason
that political volatility has declined in much of the West. In the
economically turbulent 20 years to 1982, the US had six presidents — each
term lasting an average of just over three years. Since then, assuming
President Bush finishes his term, there will have been just four presidents
in a 28-year span. In the same 20 years to 1982, Britain had six prime
ministers. Since then there have been only three, with average terms lasting
more than nine years.
The economic implications are much larger. In the absence of wild swings in
activity, businesses and households can plan much more easily. The most
obvious benefit can be seen in interest rates. Longer-term rates — such as
those for mortgages or car loans — have what is called a “term premium”, an
extra amount of interest that lenders require to protect them against the
risks that big fluctuations in the economy and interest rates will undermine
the value of their investment. But since those swings have been eliminated
largely, interest rates can stay much lower.
Economists are debating the causes of the Great Moderation enthusiastically
and, unusually, they are in broad agreement. Good policy has played a part:
central banks have got much better at timing interest rate moves to smoothe
out the curves of economic progress. But the really important reason tells
us much more about the best way to manage economies.
It is the liberation of markets and the opening-up of choice that lie at the
root of the transformation. The deregulation of financial markets over the
Anglo-Saxon world in the 1980s had a damping effect on the fluctuations of
the business cycle. These changes gave consumers a vast range of financial
instruments (credit cards, home equity loans) that enabled them to match
their spending with changes in their incomes over long periods.
In the City of London and New York, the creation of the secondary mortgage
market, cushioned banks from the effect of a sharp downturn in their core
business. The globalisation of finance meant that downturns in one market
could be offset by strength overseas. The economies that took the most
aggressive measures to free their markets reaped the biggest rewards.
The Great Moderation offers another precious lesson in an old truth of
economics: the power of creative destruction. The turmoil of free markets is
the surest way to economic stability and prosperity.
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With the gift of hindsight, it would seem that what is now the global credit crunch can be traced back to a lack of regulation of financial institutions.
This just highlights another precious lesson in economics and in life generally: nothing good lasts forever,.
C Barnett, Wellingborough, UK
My my, how quick a paradigm shifts.
How much can change in two years, Mr. Baker...
Rene C. Moya, London/Los Angeles, UK/US
Good on you.
However, I might say more real turmoil exists in markets hobbled by government's intervention when it's only moral duty lies solely in the protection of individual's rights and property.
Let us not quite celebrate a world yet controlled by the very few, through the very same fiat debt currencies, at interest guaranteed by taxpayers, as those of the Reich.
The NWO doesn't pass my freedom smell test amigo.
G Holzer, Jupiter, FL