David Aaronovitch v Matthew Parris
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Dear Matthew,
It falls to me to make the first moves in this on-page wrestling bout to contest whether the Blair premiership has been a glorious success or ignominious failure. So let me emerge from the unfashionable left-of-centre corner clutching an updated copy of Edmond Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac, in which Cyrano anticipates all the insulting epithets that may be or have been hurled at him on account of his unusually large hooter.
To start with a theme, the departing Prime Minister is Bliar, the mendacious, spin-obsessed, manipulating fraudster who lied to take us to war, undermined our independent civil service, took cash from the rich and rewarded them with peerages and favourable decisions, and suborned our politics.
This Blair is also, at best a naive, messianic prating fool when it comes to foreign entanglement, a US poodle, or at worst a war criminal who has done huge damage to international law and world peace.
At home he has been the ignorer of Parliament, the trampler on our ancient liberties, the CCTV and ASBO king, the grinning, malign Mary Poppins of the supernanny state.
Personally he is Phoney Tony, a vacuous actor with the Dome as his exemplifying monument, a freebooter, a lover of foreign trips to celebrity hideouts owned by other members of the Cool Britannia Delusionary Roadshow.
Even where he might claim some credit he has in fact been a Clintonian disappointment, with vast sums of money thrown at public services to no very good result. True, some agree that he has been nice to gays and blacks but, as Michael Portillo recently put it: “Our schools are a disgrace, our hospitals shameful, our public transport a bad joke and our public spaces depressing. At night our streets are filled with the yelling and puking of foul-mouthed youths and their obese girlfriends.”
And, Matthew, since the polls show that this is what most people think, it must be true.
I take the ring with nothing but the record to fall back upon, the facts of what has really happened since 1997, in schools, on the streets, in hospitals, in our thinking about the environment, in action over Third World debt and African misery. My hope is to get you to agree that in truth Britain is, in so far as any government had the power to make it so, a better country for having had Tony Blair as its Prime Minister.
Yours, David.
Dear David,
It is good of you to set out in such a spirited manner the charges against Tony Blair, but I must remind you that your task is not simply to demonstrate familiarity with the complaints, but to answer them. I shall try.
“Bliar, the mendacious, spin-obsessed, manipulating fraudster who lied to take us to war, undermined our independent civil service, took cash from the rich and rewarded them with peerages and favourable decisions, and suborned our politics” you say? You go too far, David. He’s less interesting than that. Mr Blair has cut a smaller, meaner figure. It’s not the big lies but the grubby little half-truths that are so depressing.
“Emphatically not – I did not authorise the leaking of the name of David Kelly,” said the Prime Minister to journalists on a plane over China, after Dr Kelly’s suicide. No – not a lie. Not quite. In fact Mr Blair had taken part in a meeting at which it had been decided to let Kelly’s identity “emerge” without ever actually saying his name. What a creep.
To the Iraq war later. As for spin, enough has been said. All politicians spin to some degree. Churchill did. Disraeli did. Thatcher did. We forget the spinning when it has accompanied the achievement of great purposes; and these we remember. It is because Mr Blair’s work has been so unsolid, so bereft of any real sense of direction, that we obsess about the surrounding spin. When the picture’s blank, you do tend to look at the cheap faux-gilt frame.
And I could forgive the pushing around of civil servants (Mrs Thatcher did it) if it had been to do anything beyond treading water prettily. Nor did Mr Blair invent the linkage between cash and peerages, any more than he invented the greasing of palms in overseas arms deals: what disgusts is all the breast-beating about purity, the noisy enactment of legislation to “reform” party donations and “outlaw” corrupt foreign deals, then the sidestepping of both new laws. It is this curious disjunction between the world of ideas and the world of actions that has led me to ask whether Mr Blair may actually have a screw loose. Kinder souls just accuse him of hypocrisy.
You conclude by inviting me to agree that Britain has improved while Mr Blair has been Prime Minister. I agree readily. It’s the causal link with which I’m having trouble.
Yours ever, Matthew. PS: You’re not in the “unfashionable left-of-centre corner”. You’re in the until-lately super-fashionable New Labour Third Way corner. Anyway we all have our spells in the wilderness. Mine lasted from 1994 to the Iraq war: a time when Tony Blair was believed to be real.
Dear Matthew,
First, on your postscript: let’s agree that you too have suffered. Then allow me to recapitulate your argument. Mr Blair is a barmy creep who has done nasty little bad things, failing even to commit larger sins.
These sneaky transgressions might have been excusable if he had done anything substantial, but he hasn’t – and even if he has, they weren’t his things, they were inherited from the unlucky John Major or someone else did them. I don’t think I’ve missed anything out.
Certainly I can see why, as a supporter of Major – two members of whose political hierarchy were imprisoned for perjury – you should regard Mr Blair’s crimes as insufficiently epic. But more of those another time.
Rather let me head straight for your claim that Mr Blair hasn’t changed anything for the better. In 1997, after nearly two decades of Conservative rule, 43 per cent and 46 per cent of primary schoolchildren failed to achieve the average standards expected in maths and English respectively. Those figures are now 21 per cent and 24 per cent, and the primary schools that have done best are those in the poorest areas. One legacy of the Blair years will be new school buildings. Look around you.
In ’97 it was not unheard of for patients to wait up to two years for important orthopaedic operations. In winter there might be a flu crisis in which thousands of operations had to be cancelled. Child poverty and pensioner poverty had both increased enormously. No one seriously disputes that in the last decade waiting times have fallen dialectically and hundreds of thousands of pensioners and children lifted out of poverty. Rather the debate now, if one follows David Cameron, is about whether this is enough.
Tell me, Matthew, does no part of you secretly think “Hmmm, not bad”? Or is Mr Blair somehow innocent of all the credit?
Inquisitively yours, David.
Dear David,
I’m puzzled by your opening remark. Why this sudden attack on John Major? I don’t recall mentioning him. Take as many shin-kicks at Major as you like, but then return to your task, which is to make the positive case for Mr Blair himself.
Himself. His personal contribution to national life. Not that of a Labour government; not, in particular, the conduct of economic policy, which he left to Gordon Brown; not the scuppering of plans to join the European single currency, which Mr Brown achieved despite Mr Blair; not Mr Brown’s campaign against pensioner and child poverty, in which Mr Blair showed little sustained interest. No, ask yourself what difference he made.
Well, there’s the four-letter “I” word that we don’t mention. And here at home there is one big initiative on public services which – I agree with you – we probably can ascribe to Mr Blair himself. That was the demented announcement, seemingly impromptu, that bounced the Treasury into what will prove the near-doubling of expenditure on the NHS in the absence of any serious plan for meshing this with improvements to efficiency.
The consequence was predictable: efficiency loss. Gentle improvement in the quality of healthcare combined with a vicious increase in the cost. Here was a missed opportunity to use the proceeds of economic growth to buy tightly monitored structural change in a public service. It was blown in pursuit of one cheap headline. Very Blair.
You’re right, of course: substantial increases in public spending have bought modest increases in some public services. They always will. But the impression this decade leaves is neither of triumph nor tragedy but something smaller, meaner and a bit sad. It is of bold talk followed by confused action; a relentless focus on politics coupled with a fitful interest in government; stirring words, ill-considered follow-through, and an administrative mess. This is Mr Blair’s very personal stamp. It has cheapened politics in the public imagination.
Yours ever, Matthew.
Dear Matthew,
You are surely straining too hard to be ungenerous here, a bit like Reg of the Judean People’s Front. I mean, apart from the fast operations, improved education standards, new schools and falling crime rates, what else has Blair done for Britain? In time, when this moment of grumpiness has passed, I suspect that the “impression of the decade” will actually be of wealth, migration and dynamism, as well as the discovery of new problems. It will be epitomised by the London bombings and the London Olympics.
Even so, a lot of what you say is true. Too much early time was wasted, reform was too incremental, there were too may half-arsed populist initiatives. Paradoxically, the main achievements have probably come during the misunderstood and reviled twilight years of the Blair reign.
So now let us whip the cover from the elephant. The invasion of Iraq has been a disaster, maybe even more of a disaster than not invading would have been. We still don’t know. But then there is the “K” word – what would have happened in the Balkans without Mr Blair’s determination? And what, Matthew, do you make of the seven-letter “I” word? Ian Paisley shaking hands with Martin McGuinness would have been impossible without Mr Blair. Even Reg would sign up for that. Will you?
Peace and love, David.
Dear David,
Whether invading Iraq was “even more of a disaster than not invading [you say] we still don’t know.” We do. A disaster, full stop.
Briefly tempted by your conciliatory tone, I contemplated conceding something; but no, Tony Blair has been a horrible disappointment, there’s something rotten about his record, and his reputation has further to sink.
But I’ll give you Ireland. Like all confidence-tricksters Mr Blair is a confidence-builder, and used his slippery arts there with skill.
I will not give you our gentle improvements in prosperity and (some) public services. Under most governments since 1949 living standards rose, but epoch-marking personal interventions by particular leaders are less routine. By Blair there has been one: we both know what. The Iraq debacle was not even (as he likes to insinuate) a bravely unpopular choice. He thought it was going to be the popular choice. He joined the gang of the biggest boy in the playground.
Blairophobes should not by our abuse build Blair up. Beasts have dignity. Ogres do big things. To convey the unsavoury yet flimsy qualities Mr Blair has brought to his political decade, we need a smaller word, a playground word.
It’s “cheat”. Tony Blair leaves, now, like the Cheshire Cat, fading to only a rictus grin, a mocking laugh and a lingering scent of cat’s pee and cologne.
Yours ever, Matthew.
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