George Osborne
Star musicians and your favourite Times writers at the Albert Hall
Gordon Brown’s decade at the Treasury is nearly up. The parlour game of predicting his successor is well under way. What sort of Treasury will the next chancellor inherit?
Under Brown, three key changes have been made to Whitehall’s most powerful department — all of which have cost taxpayers dear. If you want to know why so much money has been wasted, look to the chancellor.
First, the Treasury has become the principal originator of government policy, rather than an evaluator of policy. Of course the Treasury has always taken a keen interest in policy — and the chancellor has always sat on the most important cabinet committees. However, the Treasury always saw its primary role as a stern critic of the policy ideas of others, rather than the source of the ideas. That way, the Treasury would remain the one ministry focused on value for money.
Since Brown arrived, all that has changed. The Treasury has dictated other departments’ policy priorities. Instead of scrutinising departmental spending plans, the Treasury’s public services directorate is now focused primarily on creating new policies. It has become more fixated with developing and fighting for the next new idea, instead of making departments deliver on the current idea.
A classic tactic it uses is the “independent review”, conducted by an external consultant. The Treasury picks the expert, sets the terms and takes — how can I put this diplomatically? — a close interest in the final report.
Treasury-sponsored reports — such as the Wanless review on health or the Baker report on planning — lead to the devaluation and demoralisation of other departments. How would you feel if you were a civil servant at the Department for Transport, when the Treasury commissions an independent transport report? It doesn’t say much for the chancellor’s confidence in your ability to shape transport policy.
The second change Brown introduced to the Treasury was to shift from scrutinising how public money was spent to micromanaging it. The Treasury not only uses its 1,000 targets to direct policy, it also determines exactly how the departments should meet them. So when a department is failing, it is difficult to tell whether the cause is the policy itself or its implementation. This has made it almost impossible for the Treasury to judge poor performance.
For example, the Treasury judges the Home Office to be “ahead” of its target for “improvement in the level of public confidence in the criminal justice system”. Given the catalogue of serious failings at the Home Office over recent years, I’m sure this glowing endorsement will come as a surprise. This is not how the Treasury should operate.
The Treasury’s changed policy role and its obsession with micromanagement are compounded by one final change introduced by Brown. The Treasury has itself become one of the largest spending departments, with a budget of more than £20 billion a year — bigger than the Home Office. It now administers child tax credit, working family tax credit, child benefit and child trust funds. If scrutinising Treasury policies in other departments is tough, scrutinising Treasury policies administered by the Treasury has proved near impossible.
The shambolic administration of tax credits is a case in point. If another department’s policies had cost the taxpayer more than £2 billion a year through error and fraud, the Treasury would have come down on them like a ton of bricks . Instead, the Chancellor hasn't answered a direct parliamentary question on tax credits for two years. Criticism is not allowed. Gamekeeper has turned poacher.
The consequences of the failure to ensure value for money have been well publicised. Take the poorly negotiated public sector pay contracts. Or the NHS computer system that is costing £6 billion more than planned. But perhaps the most telling statistic is this new one: for every extra £100 that Brown has spent since 1997, only £30 has been used to improve frontline public services. Thanks to the way he has run the Treasury, the rest has gone on cost-inflation, bureaucracy and waste.
Departments like powerful ministers. So it is an irony that under this dictatorial chancellor that the Treasury has become an unhappy place. More than half of the staff have served only one chancellor. And the most recent staff survey reveals that more than 50% of Treasury officials leave the department within two years. That the chancellor relies on a tight cabal of advisers only exacerbates the problem. This small group decides which civil servants have access to the Chancellor, and plays a powerful role in determining Treasury policy. It has become like an imperial court — and few dare tell the emperor when he has no clothes.
The next chancellor needs to get the Treasury focused on value for money. The system of top-down targets and micromanagement must be dismantled. He or she should consider passing their spending responsibilities to other departments better able to manage them — such as the Department for Work and Pensions. The cabal must be sent packing and work left to the civil service. The Treasury should do less and do it better.
Alistair, Ed, Jack or perhaps Ruth — it’s over to you. Make the Treasury effective again. The big question you face is — will the new prime minister let you?
George Osborne is the shadow chancellor
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All of us except billionaires manage our budgets the same way. First, we work out how much we have, then within that limit what we want and can afford to spend. If we stretch too far and overborrow we're in trouble. Only dear Gordon does it the other way. His priorities are sacrosanct: our money is his to take as he dictates.
I suggest a yearly ballot where every citizen marks on a continuous line graduated from 0% to 100% the proportion of the country's earnings the chancellor should take. The median figure (plus/minus 1% for natural slippage) is then binding. The chancellor, like the CEO of any great enterprise, would have an important job managing the budget to optimise outcome. Setting tax rates within the global limit and sharing the proceeds would be his business. What he would not be able to do is to cover his own mistakes by yet again encroaching on the purses of the subjects. At last, a truly level playing field.
Michael Bruce, Selby, U.K.
Simple solution. No more budget increases. Almost all inflation now originates in the public sector. The private sector has got used to falling real incomes, no pension and not much hope and is pretty fed up up with paying ever increasing taxes for a ever decreasing "service".
The public sector is incompetent on almost every level and is now just a self serving institution.
Steve Blencowe, Northampton,
Here's an idea for reducing public expenditure waste: reduce its share of GDP to the level that prevailed in 1907 ... or, if that is too drastic, to 1957. Could we also have a police service as effective as it was in 1957.
John Gentle , Birmingham,
You describe revolutionary changes at the Treasury but ascribe this general situation to Gordon Brown. This could be the classic false correlation. Brown becomes Chancellor, Treasury behaves eccentrically, therefore Brown is cause. But this might not be so, indeed the way you describe it actually suggests otherwise, since it all seems to be revenue-based. Could it be that the Treasury has got its hands on a revenue source which has encouraged this independent thought and action? It seems disturbingly likely. If so how will this be explained when Brown leaves?
Henry Percy, London, UK
This is an excellent article, which illustrates how both Blair and Brown - despite their poor personal relations - operate in the same way through top-down interference and micromanagement. Blair and his No. 10 policy unit cannot let members of the cabinet have any independence; Brown cannot let individual spending departments control the way they allocate their own resources. Both these men are examples of rigid centralisation and control.
The Blair/Brown 'target' system is reminscent of communist programmes before 1989, which produced the same inefficiencies and waste in the Soviet bloc as a result. Instead of forcing professionals - like doctors and teachers - to operate according to government directives, they should be allowed to set their own priorities. But the 'new socialism', as wedded to controlling human lives as the 'old socialism', cannot tolerate this. George Osborne has seen this link between 'old' and 'new' and I think his article deserves close reading.
Dr. Mark Corner, Brussels, Belgium
Nice clear article George. There certainly is a lot to criticise justifiably in Brown's methods at the Treasury.
But the big question for you is, after dismantling the Brown system, how would YOU focus on value for money effectively? Please tell us how you would actually do it.
Marek, London,
A problem with top-down spending targets is that by defining the increase in the sum to be spent, in order to use up the allocation, the spending may be used in a non-cost-effective way.
Better by far to use a bottom-up approach, driven by shop-floor feedback from users and providers as to where limited funds might be productively deployed, and exactly how much would be needed for what..
That way, a value-for-money result might be obtained, with detailed costing of specific improvements affordably met, rather than a rush to spend preset funds before the allocation is used up or withdrawn.
dr venables preller, Warminster, UK
Why oh why does the Opposition not point out, again and again, how Brown sold a huge amount of our gold at the very moment that gold was at its lowest price for years?
H L Foxworthy, Forfar, Angus
This is an excellent article, which illustrates how both Blair and Brown - despite their poor personal relations - operate in the same way through top-down interference and micromanagement. Blair and his No. 10 policy unit cannot let members of the cabinet have any independence; Brown cannot let individual spending departments control the way they allocate their own resources. Both these men are examples of rigid centralisation and control.
The Blair/Brown 'target' system is reminscent of communist programmes before 1989, which produced the same inefficiencies and waste in the Soviet bloc as a result. Instead of forcing professionals - like doctors and teachers - to operate according to government directives, they should be allowed to set their own priorities. But the 'new socialism', as wedded to controlling human lives as the 'old socialism', cannot tolerate this. George Osborne has seen this link between 'old' and 'new' and I think his article deserves close reading.
Dr. Mark Corner, Brussels, Belgium
Any business has targets. You will not get performance without targets, if people set their own, they will never stretch, always be in the comfort zone.
Targets are Labour's equivalent to Mrs Thatcher's capping of local government. - an externally provided test for the orgaqnisation to meet.
I find it odd that the Tories - the party of efficiency and what works allegedly - want to eliminate the one thing that has stretched the public services to achieve more for our money.
John Wheatley, Witney, UK
Gordon Brown has been a total failure. He has squandered billions and the taxpayer will pick up the tab in the years to come. Be in no doubt that taxes will continue to rise irrespective of which political party is running the country. We'll collectively be paying the interest on the eyewatering levels of pulic sector borrowing for decades to come. If totally lost faith in the political institutions of the UK. Very little is guaranteed anymore but there are a handful of certainties that will stand true under all the political parties.
1. We will be in more debt
2. We will pay higher taxes
3. We will see our freedom and democracy further eroded by paranoid politicians, the hijacking of our media for political ends and the power of the wealthy corrupting our politicians.
You can keep it mate. I'm leaving the UK for good
I'd rather live as a debt free pauper in some other part of the world
Matt Myers, Redhill, UK
We've long sensed that Gordon Brown effectively hijacked most areas of Government except perhaps foreign policy. Why have we waited so long to hear the Opposition spell this out so clearly in the way George Osborne has effectively done so here ? There's clearly been a fundamental shift in the way that Cabinet Government functions ( or more accurately, malfunctions): what we now have is something not dissimilar from a French cohabitation, ie the President (TB) handles foreign policy, and the de facto PM (GB) the domestic side of things. One is reminded of the old joke: my wife makes the domestic decisions, like where we live, which school to send the kids, make and colour of car, holiday destinations etc. I make the important decisions, like who we vote for at elections.
Colin B, Antibes, France
So right. It was Brown that sponsored Kate Barker's housing report, the need for concreting over the south east to accommodate the migrants that are boosting our economy. This has set a key note that has drizzled down to councils who now propose building whatever as 'the' source of social resurgence. At a time when Britain is at the top of her economic cycle it is far more indebted than it should be and if recession kicks in what then? It is self-evident that hoards of new hands are not solving the real economic issues and may well prove to be that straw looking for a camel! We are now told that Britain, generally, needs five million new houses (I say houses and not homes because houses are a coinage today and not a focus for social stability). The Barker number is an extrapolation of the S-E figure, the 'Ten Year Plan' sort of generality that centralism encourages. Put local needs first, not Commissar B's wish fulfilment. Miss B opposed a development near her own home, wise woman.
Malcolm Turner, Alsager, England