Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury
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When, a few years ago, I was invited to name the greatest influential British citizen of the last millennium, I didn’t have much hesitation. It is not easy to think of anyone whose legacy affected the lives of so many millions. This is not to minimise the contribution of others in ending the slave trade but there was one specific bit of business to do — a process in the legislature of the United Kingdom; and that business was accomplished by William Wilberforce.
Wilberforce and his circle believed that if a sinful system existed and its sinfulness implicated them as well as others, they were under an obligation to end it. There is no simple gulf between personal and public morality; and Christian morality is not about “keeping yourself unspotted from the world” in any sense that implies withdrawing or ignoring public wrongs.
But if the state enacts or perpetuates in the corporate life of the nation what is directly contrary to the Christian understanding of God’s purpose, then Christian activism in respect of changing the law is justified, primarily when the state is responsible for — so to speak — compromising the morality of all its citizens.
This is at the heart of what Wilberforce was concerned about. He is not campaigning for the state to impose a personal morality, and would probably have agreed that such a policy would take away the essential aspect of personal liberty in choices about one’s own life. But he is campaigning for a moral state — that is, for a state that does not compromise its citizens, and that recognises wider considerations than those of immediate profit and security.
This makes sense, though, only if it is possible to convince those who run things in the public sphere that there are human values and ethical norms to which an entire society is answerable. In our relativist climate, this is very difficult. What tends to happen is that nothing much is left as a substantive moral basis for public life except a poorly defined principle of tolerance or avoidance of mutual harm. The idea that you can give substance to a common social ethic, something to which society as a whole can be held accountable, is unfashionable and unwelcome. Even from the point of view of many who have no religious commitment, there is a recognition that this is a thin diet.
But the problem is deeper still. Without a notional standard of human excellence and human flourishing, the definition of what is good for people is always going to be vulnerable to what happens to suit a dominant interest group.
Take away that sense, and it is a great deal harder to think about political life as a vocation. It is significant that in the past few years one of the most widely supported political campaigns was the Jubilee 2000 movement for the remission of unpayable Third World debt; outside — but not in opposition to — the parliamentary process, many hundreds of thousands lobbied for a change in what the administration regarded as legally possible. It seemed to be assumed that parliamentary campaigning would not deliver the same effective results.
I’m not implying that this perception is fair or that our culture has simply swung against old-style parliamentary campaigning for good, only that we are in a disturbing position if, on major issues of public morality, people expect to make a change outside rather than within the electoral system.
I believe that it is possible for a state to have a moral basis without thereby becoming confessional or theocratic. It involves a state being ready to recognise its own history; to say that its horizons and assumptions are indeed grounded in a set of particular beliefs, and to embody in its political practice ways of allowing those foundational commitments to be heard in public debate.
The establishment of the Church of England, as it has evolved in the past century or so, has turned out to be such a mechanism — a rather awkward one. But if the church were to be disestablished, the question would still be there in an acute form: how does the state properly expose itself to argument about its collective moral status?
It is a point that has emerged in one of the most unusual of contemporary societies, China. The collapse of straightforward Marxist philosophy as the moral basis of the state has left a disturbing vacuum; and the state has had to rethink its attitude to religion in surprising ways.
What is needed in Britain is a set of conventions that will allow government to hear voices unconstrained by electoral anxiety and narrow considerations of practical profitability.
It is important that in our current debates about the upper house of parliament we take seriously the role of such a house in offering channels of independent moral comment. Whatever model we devise for the upper house, it is vital to ensure that it is not simply swallowed up in an electoral system that could remove this degree of moral independence.
And I make no apology for saying that the nature and extent of religious representation in the upper house — a bigger issue than the number of Anglican bishops holding seats there — is not a marginal question at all in the light of this discussion.
Wilberforce believed politics was a vocation because he saw politics as always opening out beyond itself. Our democracy is very different now from what it was in 1806, but some of the dangers are much the same.
This is an extract from a lecture to be given on Tuesday in Hull
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Our last Prime Minister ruled us as a member of the Holy Catholic Church until he packs in to get even more money and goes to his true love, the Roman Catholic Church. If he had been a Roman Catholic he would not have been allowed to be the PM just like our Royalty cannot rule as an RC. Surely our Holy Catholic Church leader should keep to his own religion and not ask his 'flock' to revert to a foreign religion. Keep UK as a Holy Catholic state. Hopefully Williams will depart our shores soon and go to his mosque to teach his misplaced doctrines. Good riddance I say. No wonder Blair left to go to another religion when we have such a terrible Arch Bishop of Canterbury who is our supposed leader of UK religion.
Fred Browning, Lathom, Ormskirk, Lancashire
Personally I think he has a valid point, this country has lost or is losing something and we need to get back to our Basic, Christian British Family Values.
Adrian Peirson, Luton , UK Beds
Load of nonsense. Religion should never have an influence on the state, whether in terms of defining "morality" or not. There are a great many of us who do not practice religion and wish to have no religious influence on our lives. Unfortunately we cannot live the way want because of religious influences in our society. I don't need any "moral" guidance - I know what is acceptable behaviour because I behave towards others the way I want to be treated but this doesn't apply to the religious who constant threaten in one way or another that I will go to some sort of hell if I don't pray to their particular God.
I don't believe in a god, in a heaven or a hell - I believe that when I die I will become worm food and part of the compost or else I will become a handful of dust. Either way, I don't care.
Leave religion out of the state, hence out of my life, and go live your life the way you want. If that involves a belief in a god, then worship it. Privately!
Paul Williams, Bangor, Gwynedd
Well no surprises there then. Just the sort of drivel we have come to expect from Rowan Williams. He is right about one thing though - he correct when he says that "the nature and extent of religious representation in the upper house ... is not a marginal question".
It is an issue that demands serious attention. However it will be no surprise that I disagree, as do the majority of people in this country, with Mr Williams on the answer to the problem. The only proper course now is the disestablishment of the COE, and the removal of the Lords Spiritual. Mr Williams and all his fellow religionists should of course be as free as anyone else to put themselves forward for a place in the upper chamber, but they should not be granted one to go along with their job.
Mark Allen, Nottingham,
So which of our government are you calling godless? Tony Blair is a regular church goer commited Christian and seems likely to convert to Catholisism on standing down as PM, Gordon Brown is a son of the manse and Ruth Kelly, well. Opus Dei should say it all. Haven't they done a good job spreading peace and contentment through the world?
It is very easy to go back through a history where social convention mean't that most people were actually, or nominally Christian and cherry pick example to prove how good Christians are (ie Wilberforce), doubtless the multitudes of wrong doers who similarly proffessed faith are to be discounted as 'not real Christians' since the symetry of the great circular argument 'Christians are good because anyone who is not good cannot be a real Christian' never loses it's appeal.
PJ, Chinnor, UK
Interesting to see the contributions from the USA whose constitution attempted to end 'Christendom', pushing religion from the 'secular' state: did the failure to abolish slavery in the US till so late have anything to do with this cutting adrift from Christian social ethics? The Archbishop is right, but our liberal elite is very secularist indeed. The irony in the UK is the steady integration of religious law, Sharia - we hear today of Treasury Bonds being issued that are 'Sharia compliant', plus Halal law busting open our animal cruelty law. And no debate on this move to apartheid systems whatsoever.
BigIb, Haggerston, UK
Britain needs to re-visit the Magna Carta and adjust (as the US Constitution did) to a set of values which are more fitting in a modern society but recognizing basic moral and enlightened religious tenents.
The COE should also recognize the absurdity of its differences with the Vatican and vice-versa.
Francis Rogan, Portland, USA/Oregon
To respond to Mr. Peter in London
I ask sir you to recall your history. Christianity was scorned early on for placing abnormal respect upon slaves (c.f. Celsus). One of Paul's epistles, Philemon, deals exclusively with the freeing of a runaway slave. Past that, Christianity-based Western societies are the only ones in all of history to ever recognize slavery as wrong. But you are sadly right about Wilberforce's opposition. Yet, thankfully, they did not have the last word.
David Marsh, Fairfax, VA, U.S.A.
Slavery under a benevolent master is preferable but not terribly different from the life of a third world manual labourer tied to making shoes for a European or US corporate. Anyone who must work in order to pay bills is a wage slave these days. Not all slaves worked under the lash and the point of it all is that God judges relationships, firstly towards Him (Ye shall love the Lord thy God with all thy heart etc....) and then towards others (and your neighbor as yourself).
Peter , Sturminster Newton, Dorset
Without being a Christian - indeed being an atheist - I know that slavery is wrong. Murder, theft and lying too. How come, I wonder?
alan, cologne,
Iran is a theocracy. Go figure. And what gives a minority religion that right?
Ben, York,
So people of faith should have greater representation in our government purely because of their faith?
Although Britain is historically a Christian country, to claim this as justification for a continued role for the church in government is ridiculous. We're becoming an increasingly secular country with (according to Tearfund) a 2/3 majority of people who do not attend church and only a narrow majority of 53% that call themselves Christian (and only 59% who are religious at all). Hardly a sweeping mandate for the continued integration of faith into government.
I'll accept the argument for a moral aspect to government but it's incredibly cynical to say politicians aren't capable of the role and incredibly arrogant (not to mention insulting) to say we need religious people to do it for us. The idea that morality comes from religion is really something the church needs needs to grow out of.
Alex, Purley, Surrey
Usual self serving rubbish from the theocrats. Generations of Christians were happy to support slavery and St Paul, amongst others, explicitly condones it in the Bible. Religious conviction is a private matter, however weird it may increasingly be. It is a world view like any other, including atheism or agnosticism. It should not be penalised or in or of itself considered virtuous- nor should it be accorded special privileges in awl or, especially, the legislature.
J Whittingham, Cambridge, England
But is it not true that Christianity tolerated slavery for 1,700 years? And that much of the opposition that Wilberforce faced came from Christians who claimed the authority both of the Bible and of the traditional teachings of the church?
Of course, Christians have the same rights as everyone else to try to influence politics. But they have no greater rights. And - since they formed themselves into what is effectively a single issue pressure group whose sole aim is to deny human rights to gay people - they will increasingly struggle to have their voices heard.
Peter, London,
Rowan, seriously, if you were starting with a blank slate, you wouldn't choose a theocracy as the best form of government? Surely Democracy is better?
paul newbold, sheffield, england
So what Williams actually means is "down with an immoral government"? I think most right-minded people can get behind this. But to suggest that the only possible avenue to a societal morality is by having an unaccountable embedded theocratic element in government is, frankly, repugnant and offensive.
In answer to Williams' question, without an established state religion, society would still be made up of individuals - the same individuals that currently comprise that society. Does he mean to suggest that, should his particular sect no longer have the special privileges is has enjoyed for centuries, all of these people would somehow lose their moral centres? The arrogance of this presumption should not go unnoticed.
The sooner that people like Williams are dissuaded from perpetuating the melodramatic canard that only the religious are moral, the better for us all.
MB, Edinburgh, UK
Does Dr Williams believe that Wilberforce would have had any effect - would even have been an activist - if he had lived a hundred years _before_ the Industrial Revolution, when slavery was seen as an economic necessity?
Our notion of what it is to be moral changes according to the society we live in, from generation to generation. This is why it has to be orthogonal to any religious framework, which in order to have any meaning, must be unchanging. It is precisely when churches say that slavery is acceptable one year, even quoting scripture to justify it, and unacceptable the next, that they squander their credibility.
A church may wish to provide an ultimate, unchanging moral target to shoot at, but as Prince Nekhloudov sombrely reflects in Tolstoy's "Resurrection" such a target is all but impossible to live up to for anyone, cleric or not.
Ian Kemmish, Biggleswade, UK
Why do I feel that the same subject matter would have been less hesitant and more inspiring if penned by Pope Benedict XVI. As an Anglican I find the poverty of leadership and clarity from the upper reaches of The Church of England indicative of a fog of confusion and obfuscation of a kind pleasing to both Pilate and the Sanhedrin, but totally at odds with The Word
Voyager, Oxford, England
An Anglican might name Wilberforce as the most influential; I suppose he wouldn't name Thomas More (a more striking choice, as he actually died for his conscience), as this might undermine the already shaky foundations of the CofE. However, suffering for one's conscience is certainly coming back into fashion, given the godless times we live in.
Herbert G., Leeds,