Oliver Letwin
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Is Cameron Conservatism just a set of attitudes, or is it a political theory? This is the unspoken question behind quite a lot of the more intellectual commentary over the past 18 months of Conservative revival.
The question therefore deserves an answer. And the answer is that Cameron Conservatism, so far from being merely a set of attitudes, has a specific theoretical agenda. It aims to achieve two significant paradigm-shifts.
First, a shift from an econocentric paradigm to a sociocentric paradigm. Secondly, a shift in the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm.
It all goes back to Marx. Before Marx, politics was multidimensional – constitutional, social, environmental as well as economic. Marx changed all that. After Marx, socialists defended socialism and free marketeers defended capitalism. For both sides, the centrepiece of the debate was the system of economic management. Politics became econocentric.
But, as we begin the 21st century, things have changed. Since Margaret Thatcher, and despite recurrences of something like full-blooded socialism in Latin America, the capitalist/ socialist debate has in general ceased to dominate modern politics. From Beijing to Brussels, the free market has won the battle of economic ideas.
If the free market is a matter of consensus, the debate must change its nature. Instead of arguing about systems of economic management, we have to discuss how to make better lives out of the prosperity that the free market generates.
The first theoretical advance (the first paradigm shift) of Cameron Conservatism is to see that fact clearly – to refocus the debate, to change the terms of political trade, to ask a different set of questions. Politics – once econocentric – must now become sociocentric.
But Cameron Conservatism is also an attempt to shift the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm. The provision-theory of the modern State is the successor to socialism in the postMarxist era. It is the essence of Gordon Brown’s version of new Labour.
The provision-theory accepts the free market as the engine of economic growth. But, just as Clause Four socialism once saw the State as the proper provider of goods and services through ownership of the means of production, so the provision-theorists of Brownian new Labour see the central State not only as the funder but also as the proper provider of public services. They also see the central State as the only possible guarantor of wellbeing through direction and control.
The tell-tale marks of provision-theory are to be seen in much of the record of the last ten years – the targets and directives, the reorganisations, schemes and initiatives. Direct government intervention has been brought – with the best of intentions, though often with notable lack of success – to bear on schools and hospitals, police officers and neighbourhoods, local authorities and universities. The State has been seen as the source of enlightened social action, just as it was once seen as the source of enlightened economic action.
The Cameron Conservative framework-theory of the State is fundamentally different. It takes the same place in the sociocentric debate of the 21st century that free market theory once took before it triumphed in, and outdated, the econocentric debate of the 20th century.
The framework theory of the modern State sees government as having two basic roles: to guarantee the stability and security upon which, by common consent, both the free market and wellbeing depend; and, much more controversially, to establish a framework of support and incentive that enables and induces individuals and organisations to act in ways that fulfil not merely their own self-interested ambitions but also their wider social responsibilities.
It is in emphasising this second duty of government that Cameron Conservatism distinguishes itself radically from Brownian new Labour.
Cameron Conservatism puts no faith in central direction and control. Instead, it seeks to identify social and environmental responsibilities that participants in the free market are likely to neglect, and then establish frameworks that will lead people and organisations to act of their own volition in ways that will improve society by increasing general wellbeing.
The intuitions about human nature that underpin this framework-theory of the modern State are unsurprisingly the same as the intuitions about human nature that underpinned free market theory in 20th-century econocentric politics.
The first intuition is that human enterprise, initiative, vocation and morale are the things that lead to progress and sustainable success in the socioenvironmental sphere, just as in the economic sphere.
The second, allied intuition is that command and control systems eventually fall under their own weight because they stifle enterprise, initiative, vocation and morale.
And the third intuition is that a framework that leads people to fulfil their social responsibilities of their own volition in their own ways is a much more powerful engine for sustained socioenvironmental success than direct government control.
Will the framework-theory based on these liberal conservative intuitions come in time to win the battle of ideas in sociocentric politics as comprehensively as its precursor, liberal conservative free market theory, did in the old econocentric political debates?
It is too early to tell. But one thing is clear. Cameron Conservatives have both an analysis of the nature of 21st-century politics and a theory of the role of the modern State. To win a battle of ideas is always a hard task. But having an idea is certainly a good starting point.
Oliver Letwin is chairman of the Policy Review and of the Conservative Research Department
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Clearly there has been a paradigm shift from the view that politicians should tell the public what they believe to a letwinocentric view of a sociological imperative deterministicly requiring that they conceal the fact that the product of their dialectical revisionary perambulations is absolutely nothing original.
Or to put it in terms the vulgar would understand - free enterprise works & we might try marginaly more of it than Labour though not remotely as much as worked so spectacularly in Ireland.
neil craig, Glasgow, Scotland
David Leslie, I don't think politicians have a special duty to moderate what they say in order for you to understand what them. Is it not rather your duty as a citizen to make an effort to understand what the politicians say? It is unlikely that Oliver Letwin was speaking this way for some nefarious reason; this is just the language that has to be used whenever you want to make a point which is not uninteresting truism (unlike virtually every time Blair speaks). You could say it is slightly more 'academic' than you normally get from politicians, if you want; but it isn't really, as truly academic writing requires the reader to already know certain definitions and assumptions, and Letwin's speech doesn't (moreso than basic political concepts which everyone should know). I don't get what you mean by 'quasi-legal' frankly; that would seem to be using terminology in precisely the way you criticize.
Peter Harris, London,
oh thank god someone said it. After the first econocentric, like Homer Simpson, my brain shut down. And even though I'm normallya bit more Maggie than Homer, i think a lot of people would also have reached the end of that and be none the wiser.
Carrie, London,
Peter Harris, I think that what Peter Gooderham meant was that Oliver Letwin should speak English that can be understood by the majority, not a quasi-legal gibberish only understood by a very small minority. I got bored afetr the first couple of paragraphs, as I didn't understand a word, so even if Oliver has something to say (quite likely) I didn't get the message.
David Leslie, Perth, Scotland
>>When Conservative spokesmen express themselves like this, it is time my vote went elsewhere.
You mean , when politicians start talking to the public like they're grown-ups and letting us know that they're thinking about the most fundamental principles which underpin the governance of society (rather than just pouring out spin), your vote goes elsewhere. I agree it's rather vague and terminology ridden (possibly due to with length restriction - there's a full version on the Telegraph site which might be clearer), but I'd rather this than Blair's vacuity. Having said that, all political theorists talk like this and underpin all political parties, so you'd end up not being able to put your vote anywhere, if you tried to avoid it. This stuff is actually how the people who most control our lives think, so best join in I say, if you want to understand why your taxes go up and down (though that may just be to get votes, in truth).
Peter Harris, London,
Communism implemented (enforced) Marxism through the mechanism of a centralized state. Thus, while it is true that the terms of the debate have shifted somewhat away from economics, the fundamental ideological conflict remains the same--a conflict between total state and limited government.
Nathan Earle, Greenville, SC, USA
I totally agree! Of course, all of the work will be in the slow and steady translation of these unfamiliar models into ideas and examples that more people can understand, followed by the experiments and follow-up. I have been canvassing a lot of these ideas and examples with some success - it's a huge shift for people, but they can get quite excited about it - I think that this is because they start to feel a spark of that empowerment in themselves ...
H. Jewell, Toronto, Canada
Am I the only one who cannot understand a word of what Letwin is going on about ....? If this man is in charge of policy then Brown has nothing to worry about as the voters will not and do not understand the 'Cameron Conservatism' policies...
Andy Wigmore, London,
"First, a shift from an econocentric paradigm to a sociocentric paradigm. Secondly, a shift in the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm. "
>>When Conservative spokesmen express themselves like this, it is time my vote went elsewhere.
Peter Gooderham, Cardiff, Wales
I believe Milton Friedman said - and I paraphrase - that he won all the economic arguments and lost all the political arguments. That is an important addition to the paradigm shifts that Oliver Letwin is discussing. It is true that free-market ideas have triumphed in the economic debate: but they remain, largely, unimplemented. The size of the state over the past 30 years or so has varied from around 38% to around 43% and is currently at the top end of that range. I would hope the Conservatives can develop an agenda to bring that down, at least to the bottom end of that range, and preferably well below. Otherwise, the intellectual triumph has been for nought.
Quentin Langley, Woking, UK
I disagree with James Gallagher. Establishing a better framework in which all of us act and make our decision is quite different from 'decentralising' decisions, even if a Milliband approach ever came about. Decentralising still implies decisions made by governments and public institutions at every level. I think what Letwin is about is the role of Government in establishing and maintaining the framework in which the rest of us live, act and make our decisions, in the private as well as the public sphere.
But I agree with James that few Conservatives will follow and endorse Letwin's argument; they - and the population generally - will need a much simpler explanation. And it will take stacks of patience as well as courage to break away from the present government's tendency to act - or react - every day and in every way, especially when we have grown so accustomed to a government that responds so quickly to all those siren calls for the government to 'do something'!
Horace Mitchell, Basingstoke, Hampshire
Is Oliver Letwin out to prove that a good is a barrier to political life?
"First, a shift from an econocentric paradigm to a sociocentric paradigm. Secondly, a shift in the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm."
If he carries on writing like this he will disappear up his own agenda. Conservatism has to be a simple message put succinctly else he will lose a good percentage of those educated before 1990 and all those educated since.
There is no need for such grand but obscure eloquence, we are not discussing the voting patterns of lexicographers but the hopes and aspirations of people who read the Sun.
There is a case that such policy initiative has to convince the educated first, for them to disseminate the message. But when the nub of the matter is a 'paradigm' we will inevitably start to look at translations of Letwin leading to interpretations that could wilfully destroy the ideas; what is wrong with theory it's a good word.
Malcolm Turner, Alsager, England
Nice try to to explain that the Consevatives have not just been following focus group ideas to rebrand their party. Not sure your typical conservative will understand it though.
For me its simply a complex and possibly a better explanation of Milliband,s " I can" approach ie decentralise decisions as far as possible and empower people as much as possible.
The truth is that both parties are now occupying the same ground and the future winner will depend on which party will be able to convince the electorate who can manage prosperity and empowerment the better.
JAMES GALLAGHER, London, UK