Michael Portillo
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New Labour, they say, was Margaret Thatcher’s greatest achievement. By setting the course of British politics for nearly two decades she forced her opponents away from unilateral nuclear disarmament and obliged them to accept trade union reform, income tax no higher than 40%, the sale of council houses and privatisation. Last week, as Tony Blair announced his departure from politics, it struck home that his greatest success is the new Tory party.
It is extraordinary to recall that the Conservatives once opposed independence for the Bank of England, the minimum wage, paternity pay, gay civil partnerships, devolution for Scotland and Wales, accommodation with Sinn Fein, Lords reform and creating a mayor for London. The party has had to accept, too, levels of public spending on health and education vastly higher than it would have chosen for itself. If it were not for David Cameron’s clarity about the need to accept what Blair has enacted, the Tories would still be denying climate change and grizzling about overseas aid.
There is no shame in adapting. Parties that fail to evolve become extinct. In 1867 the Tories had endured 21 years in the political wilderness. Widening the franchise was the issue of the day and the Conservatives were against it. But Benjamin Disraeli, their leader, took advantage of a brief spell as prime minister in a minority government to go well beyond even what his Liberal opponents were proposing and gave the vote for the first time to many working-class men.
The move was counter-intuitive and audacious. The Tories still had to wait until 1874 to enjoy a majority but Disraeli’s “new” Conservatives had shed their reactionary image and were back in the political game. Cameron understands that history well.
Commentators such as Tony Benn like to grumble that politics today is all about personalities, not policies. But statecraft has always been a mixture of the two. I was taught by Maurice Cowling, the historian who, writing about the 1920s (when the old parties had to react to the “arrival” of Labour), observed that high politics was a battle of manoeuvre involving no more than 100 top figures at any time.
What any of them could do and say was constrained and often decided by the postures struck by others. Blair’s stances had to be shaped by Thatcher’s, just as Cameron’s now have to respond to Blair’s. The able politician turns that predicament to advantage.
Looking back either to 1979 or 1997 it certainly is not true that personality has been all and policy nothing. Although Blair’s valedictory performance last Thursday demonstrated that he is the greatest actor since Disraeli to have inhabited Downing Street, he has led us through a policy-rich decade. Hence the long list of changes that the Tories have had to swallow.
Nor is it exactly right to say, as we generally do, that politics has converged on the middle ground. More accurately it has converged on the right on economics and foreign policy, and on the left on social policy and attitudes to the environment and the developing world.
Blair now laments that he was not bolder. More honestly he should reflect that in health and education he wasted valuable time undoing what the Tories had put in place, a mistake that later forced him to reintroduce schools and hospitals very like the ones that he had abolished. Let us hope that if the Conservatives are given the chance to govern they do not similarly spend political capital tearing down what their opponents built.
If Blair had not squandered so much time and effort in those areas he might by now have advocated a new model of healthcare to replace the struggling National Health Service. He might have opted for vouchers to be issued by the government to parents to spend in the school of their choice, presumably the most rigorous and academically successful. The Conservatives are rightly terrified of proposing such policies themselves. Blair’s failure to move such ideas to the mainstream of political thought is the most costly failure of his premiership.
Until we know more of Brown’s policies, we are bound to focus on people. Blair’s resignation swamped the media, although it was not news, and took our eye off another departure that was wholly unforeseen. Until a few weeks ago it was plausible that John Reid, the home secretary, would become prime minister after Blair. His ambition is almost as great as Brown’s. He is well known to the public and his tough-guy act in response to terrorist outrages has made him popular, especially with working-class voters.
But the crisis of overcrowding in prisons damaged him severely. It forced him to give up the idea of standing for the Labour leadership. That in turn has led him to slink off to the back benches. In politics it is often the case that there is no place for the “nearly” man, as I can attest. At his age (and like Brown representing a Scottish seat), he has no prospect of succeeding Blair, and if he did it would most likely be to lead the opposition rather than to occupy Downing Street. To serve under Brown would be fraught. He would not enjoy it and it would do great damage to the government.
Still, it may tell us something about Brown’s personal qualities that Reid would rather quit than join his cabinet. It may say a lot about Reid that having split the Home Office in two, despite dire warnings from his two predecessors, he feels no duty to stay in his post and face the consequences.
Brown will have vast opportunities to change the cabinet. It will lose Blair, John Prescott and Reid. He is likely to dismiss Margaret Beckett from the Foreign Office, and the excellent but Blairite John Hutton from work and pensions. Tessa Jowell has long clung to office by a thread and Patricia Hewitt is vulnerable because of the mayhem over the appointment of hospital doctors to vacant posts.
So promotion prospects for female junior ministers look good. Des Browne has to be moved from defence after the Royal Navy Iranian fiasco and Douglas Alexander, the Scottish secretary, is under a cloud for combining ballot papers for local and parliamentary elections north of the border, resulting in 142,000 spoilt votes.
Some believe that Reid’s departure frees Brown to appoint Alistair Darling to the exchequer without appearing to weigh down the cabinet with Scots. I disagree. Although Brown will not allow his chancellor anything like the autonomy that he was granted by Blair, we have grown used to the idea that the Treasury makes policy in every domestic department.
If both the prime minister and the chancellor represented Scottish constituents – people unaffected by most of the policies that Westminster decrees – it would be a political gift for the Conservatives. Brown had better choose Jack Straw or David Miliband instead.
At Labour’s 10-year point, it is sobering to remember how many able ministers the government has lost. Donald Dewar, Mo Mowlam and Robin Cook are dead. Derry Irvine, Peter Mandel-son, Alan Milburn, David Blunkett and Charles Clarke fell by the wayside, now to be joined by Blair, Prescott, Reid and Beckett. It has been a prodigious haemorrhage of talent. Brown, Straw and Darling will be the only survivors from the cabinet of May 1997.
After 11 years the Conservative government had already lost Keith Joseph, education secretary, Geoffrey Howe, foreign secretary, and Nigel Lawson, chancellor, its principal intellects, as well as the old guard of Willie White-law, Francis Pym, Sir Ian Gilmour, Jim Prior and Peter Carrington. When John Major took over from Thatcher he still had Douglas Hurd, Michael Heseltine and Kenneth Clarke, who were certainly not pygmies, but the government always felt to me like a shadow of its former self. Lacking Thatcher as its charismatic leader, its glory days were gone. Attrition was etched on those who remained as well as being evidenced by the departed.
As Brown brings in less familiar faces he will hope that his government will appear renewed. The danger is that a sort of nostalgia for the Blair era will take hold and the new cabinet will seem not so much fresh as simply second division.
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Sir,
I would not vote again for the Conservatives unless Michael Portillo becames their leader.
ROSS HENRY, london,
I would like to carry on my view by saying that I belive our country is sick to the core with the leniency of our criminal justicy system,even thought Maddy did not disappear here .It has somehow brought our emotions to a head. We read about paedophilia activity on a daily bases,also are expected to except the fact that they may be liveing next door to us with total anonymity
why
susan, teignmouth, devon
I agree with Ross Henry but Michael continues to sit on the fence even though he has left politics. Most modern politicians are not tough or outspoken because of the power of the media, therefore they rarely address serious issues e.g. poor discipline, disappearing male role models, high teenage pregnancy. The daily struggle is not Left vs Right for the Centre ground but more libertarianism against authoritarianism. Libertarians tend to embrace individual responsibility, oppose government bureaucracy and taxes, promote private charity, tolerate diverse lifestyles, support the free market, and defend civil liberties i.e. "conservative party". The Tories WERE intolerant of diverse lifestyles which made them distasteful even to hardline conservatives. Now that Cameron has arrived he is accused of being policy-lite. Yet most of New Labour's good policies were written by the Thatcher cabinets. What is the point of the Labour party now if it is often more reactionary than the Tory party?!
Dr Mark Kasozimusoke, Portsmouth,
Maybe parties themselves should be Darwinised out of existence. They don't seem able to support themselves and the argument for funding is based on the mistaken notion that they are a Good Thing. They are a means for a small cabal to seize resources and exert patronage to push through policies that people don't agree with. My representative's loyalty should be to me, not to head office.
John Ledbury, Kings Lynn, England
I find Portillo's writing to come straight from the Islington political chattering classes. A group which seems to assume that the general public are constantly demanding ever more socially liberal policies from their politicians. Then once enacted, a grateful public tenaciously holds onto these political gems and woe betide any opposition political party that refuses to accept the new real politic. The truth is very different. Most of the issues that REALLY matter to people are ignored by the politicians. Access to drugs when ill, care for old and sick relatives. Instead such liberal policies are usually foistered onto the public, driven by politicians own prejudices and powerful pressure groups which have the ear of influential politicians. The public just shrug their shoulders and bear the burden of more political tinkering. If Portillo thinks there is a groundswell of love for many of the liberal policies he espouses. He is more out of touch than I give him credit for.
Dr Kevin Law, Dundee, UK
As a schoolboy in Margaret Thatcher's time, I could name all of the Cabinet and describe their degree of wetness or dryness. Now I can't. Something has radically changed, which is that a responsible politican now has almost no freedom of action. This was symbolised by the handing over of monetary policy to the Bank of England. However a real battle over social policy is shaping up. When we realise that we can't afford the bill for divorce, politics will get interesting again.
Malcolm McLean, Bradford, UK
You are perhaps right to suggest that politics has not crystallised in the middle ground. It's more apt to say that it has settled in areas where there is least resistance. The Government may not think in soundbites, but it is assuredly the case that no policy will be adopted that is not capable of being championed with a simple one-liner. This, I believe, is the essence of the Third Way - not to be concerned about the effectiveness of a policy, nor with its intellectual precision, nor that it is internally consistent with whatever else is being done. All that matters is that it can be condensed into a few powerful supportive words that will be sufficient to defeat any intellectual critique, in an era when most of the population regard deliberation as wasteful indulgence.
Increasingly, capitalism seems to be about producing those things for which demand can be most easily manufactured. I really don't think there's much difference in the way political policy is now being decided.
Simon Stephenson, Windermere, UK
I like your point about the policies promoted by one party tending to set the basic mould for the other. It is reassuring, because it would be chaotic if things were constantly reversed. Also, an impression I had acquired from my lay position is that, over a period, certain changes in policy suggest themselves or arise - from the progress of a governing party - that are better or more conveniently dealt with by the other. Otherwise politics is a somewhat baffling business because, as you mentioned, John Reid takes over the Home Office, without as far as I know any particular experience of that department, makes a major revolutionary change against the express advice of his two predecessors, and then leaves. Why then should either personality or qualification matter all that much in these appointments in the face of this type of precedent? There are a lot of very competent people in Parliament.
Henry Percy, London, UK
The English Question will not go away. More and more English people are becoming aware of the unfairness of devolution, and with Brown as PM maybe even the BBC will give the issue coverage. How about a debate between Gordon Brown and a group of English nationalists? Of course it will never happen because Mr Brown knows that he would lose the argument. Well, if he refused to participate why not do it without him? Not in Scotland though, please.
Derek, Southampton, England
In my book Blair was extremely genuine and a true statesman: saying all the right words but delivering next to nothing other than manipulated statistics. His weakness was his lack of leadership, in particular his failure to be tough with his ministers who simply ignored or failed to fund all those initiatives. He carried too many friends (in the worst case, John Prescott) and a cabinet re-shuffle was never more than musical chairs. Far from working with a second rate cabinet, Brown has the opportunity to clear the dross and bring in some fresh blood who might be more concerned with reality and less with statistics provided from within their own departments. For example, a new chancellor who simplified the tax and benefits system (so that the managers and recipients could understand it) and who disposed of all the civil servants (and their pensions) who administer the chaos would be a delight to see!
Peter Hunter, Lincoln,
What an opportunity to clear away all the dross out of the Cabinet. Will he??? We can only hope but we have 2 years to test the metal of this man and he knows he has to really shine, perhaps that will be his incentive
Marian Oakley, Abbeyfeale, Limerick, Republic of Ireland
It is one thing to accept Devolution as a fact and another thing to deal with its consequences. It has to be clear that a Cameron Government would take action to deal with the West Lothian Question and barr MPs from devolved constituencies from voting in Westminster on devolved issues. This is quite simply an issue of fairness for England and having a Scottish PM for the next couple of years is only going to concentrate English minds on this issue.
Richard Marriott, Kidderminster, England
Sir,
I have always thought (and I still think so) that Michael Portillo would have been a better
Prime Minister than Tony Blair.
It's a shame that Portillo decided to leave the Commons in 2005, as if he had remained an M.P., he surely have become sooner or later, in a way or another Prime Minister.
It's really a vaste of talent for him to wrte in the newsppaers instead of doing history himself.
Portillo could have become either Foreign Secretary or Chancellor if the Exchequer under a fellow Conservative, and after some years P.M., as will happen with Brown, and happened earlier to Jim Callaghan in the seventies.
He should be brought back to the Commons and to government in due course. He is also still young.
ROSS HENRY, LONDON,
I am just looking forward to the pre-election boomlet in 2009...where is the money to come from this time?A newly instituted wealth tax perhaps ..exit Rausings,Abramovich,Green et al.
Chris Davies , Stalybridge, UK
If Brown plans to show a new face of Labour, he'd better make clean sweep. Straw is not a 'wise head' - he has always given the impression of a loyal retainer, but no Ivanhoe either.
A new PM can rarely have had such an opportunity to take a bold step away from the last, without risking his reputation or, frankly, the wrath of the electorate. The detractors have already had their day in the sun.
So, for all your perceived weaknesses, Gordon, go the whole hog!
Nev, Rudkøbing, Denmark
Very strange use of the word charismatic to describe Thatcher
r holmes, axbridge England,
If Blair's era is viewed with nostaliga by more than a handful of the electorate then Brown will have failed more disastrously than even his critics fear.
It will have been akin to the old communists viewing the Ceaucescu years as the golden age.
Edwin Thornber, Bucharest, Romania
Talent, Michael, what talent ? Blair's cabinet was already stuffed with the discredited second or even third division intellects (in the loosest sense). It will be quite interesting to find out where Brown is going to find competent people. From what I've seen on TV whenever any 'unknowns' appear they are truly awful and neither I nor you would put them in charge of the proverbial whelk stall. In fact this narrows down to Brown's biggest problem, he is surrounded with nonentities.which after ten years is all that is left. He has better hope (fast) that at least two emerge from the pack but I wish him luck. If they do appear, goodness know where they have been hiding all this time
Victor Cowen, Malaga, Spain