Michael Portillo
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Tory strategists must have feared that Labour would hog the headlines during the long interregnum between Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. They need not have worried. The internal party row over grammar schools has guaranteed the Conservatives a stream of publicity - all bad. High-level rebellion has been succeeded by top-level climbdown. According to one opinion poll the party is now seen as more divided than Labour.
An odd feature of the bust-up is that David Cameron’s position was not new. He made plain in his leadership campaign that his party would not return to academic selection. It is curious, too, that the speech that sparked the commotion, by David Willetts, the party’s education spokesman, contained important arguments that had nothing to do with grammar schools. For better or worse they have been overlooked, but I will come back to them.
Cameron’s petulant response to the uproar in his party has been interesting to watch. He has repeatedly dismissed criticism as “delusional”. His exasperation is partly understandable. During 11 years of Margaret Thatcher’s government and seven years of John Major’s, the Conservatives did not reinstate grammar schools.
Indeed, Thatcher had approved the abolition of many of them while education secretary in the early 1970s. Why, then, would anyone expect the modernising Cameroons to adopt a policy that the Tories have not pursued for more than four decades? During all that time the party leadership has recognised that because only a minority of children would pass the entrance exam, to commit to grammar schools would be, in Cameron’s words, “an electoral albatross”.
When Cameron first said that, the party took it quietly because that is language that power-hungry MPs can comprehend. The mistake that Willetts made was to reject grammar schools on evidential grounds. He reasoned that because they accept so few children from poor families (measured by whether they receive free school meals), selection is ill-suited to an education system that aims to restore social mobility.
Put that way it becomes more than an argument against building additional grammar schools. It undermines those that still exist. Not surprisingly the Tory MPs who represent those schools could not stay silent.
In any case, Willetts had chosen his evidence selectively, focusing on the issue of the poorest families. More broadly, might not new grammar schools help the state sector to compete better with private schools in achieving academic excellence? Willetts himself pointed out that the percentage of children getting five A* to C grade GCSEs including English, science, maths and a modern language has declined since 1997; and he highlighted the depressing statistic that 64% of modern language A-levels are taken in private schools, although they constitute a small minority.
Graham Brady, the party’s Europe spokesman, produced compelling evidence that on average all pupils in areas that have grammar schools do better than others elsewhere. Even those who fail the selection exam, and therefore go to comprehensive schools instead, do better. He refuted the Tory leadership’s argument that this is because grammar schools are found only in more affluent areas. Pupils in Trafford, where there are grammars, outperform those in Bury, where there are none, even though the cities are socially similar. Children “in leafy Oxfordshire”, wrote Brady (a dig at Cameron’s own constituents), “fail to reach the national average”.
“Two brains” Willetts had been defeated on the evidence (but not necessarily the politics) by Brady, who always struck me as one of life’s plodders. Incidentally, Brady’s courageous defence of grammar schools, contributing to Cameron’s limited U-turn, is at least his second decisive impact on the history of the Conservative party. In the final hours of the 2001 leadership campaign I failed to convince Brady to support me. I then lost by one vote to Iain Duncan Smith.
In summary, the Tory leadership had no need at all to resurrect the issue of grammar schools and Cameron’s frustration would be better directed at Willetts than at his party. By being forced to agree that more grammars might need to be built in areas where they exist (even though, apparently, they are no longer a good thing), the party has supplied its opponents with sticks with which to beat it.
The more important part of Willetts’s speech suggested that a future Conservative government might, after all, adopt a brave and radical schools policy. He proposed that the rules applying to academies (a type of school invented by Blair) could be loosened to make it much easier for, say, a charity to set them up and that the granting of a single licence would allow one organisation to set up maybe 10 or 20 different schools.
Crucially, Willetts advocates that schools popular with parents should be free to expand. That is indeed the only way that more parents can be given choice. He also mentions the “V-word”, the policy idea that normally dares not speak its name: vouchers.
For decades many Conservatives have secretly believed that if the state in effect gave parents a cheque that could be cashed only by schools, they would acquire real spending power. Schools would have to respect parents’ distrust of educational faddism and respond to their demand for academic rigour and better results.
But because the voucher is a market mechanism, past Tory leaders including Thatcher thought it electorally too risky: Labour could misrepresent it as privatisation and so scare the voters. If Willetts was trying to camouflage his bold espousal of vouchers by attacking grammar schools in the same speech, his tactic was painfully successful.
Last week George Osborne, the shadow chancellor, embarked on a separate exercise in disguise. To further harrumphing from his party he declared that the Tories are the heirs to Blairite reform of the public services, which will soon be threatened by Brown’s dislike of choice and the mixed economy.
The reason for making that argument is that it helps to make Tory proposals for reform seem less alarming. The British electorate is wary of trying anything new, even when systems and institutions (such as our state schools and the National Health Service) let us down. Voters are more relaxed about things that have been tried, even if they are not conspicuous successes.
So anything that builds upon academies, introduced by the well-meaning Blair, should not be too scary. The Tory trick is to argue that all the radical reforms that Willetts proposes, including vouchers, are just the logical culmination of Blair’s initiatives. That might even be true. Had Blair been thinking straight from the start of his premiership, rather than wasting time demolishing Tory legislation, today British parents might have vouchers.
Part of Osborne’s argument may be wishful thinking. He assumes that Brown will be reactionary, sweep aside Blair’s reforms and snatch choice away from parents. But the chancellor is unlikely to adopt policies that are hostile to parents’ aspirations for their children. Admittedly he obstructed academies, but not necessarily because he opposed them. That was when he wanted to make Blair’s life so tiresome that he would opt for early retirement. Once prime minister, Brown may well champion academies.
Willetts’s decision to mention vouchers may not have been much noticed by the press or Tory party. But it will certainly have been carefully recorded by Brown. It gives Willetts an unusual opportunity, given that the shadow cabinet usually avoids controversial proposals. Vouchers look a good idea and there is a growing body of evidence from other countries that they work. But that will not stop Brown denouncing them as Thatcherism gone mad.
The Conservatives have therefore exposed a flank. They must hope that Willetts has been prudent in raising the issue now. Sadly, most Tories have little confidence in his judgment after his ill-considered tilt at their beloved grammar schools.
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We all seem to have forgotten the real purpose of education: to explain to the younger generation what the rules (natural and man-made) of the world are and to prepare help them to move in to the world as an independent person.
Our very existence is a result of one of those rules (as far as we know) Natural SELECTION. The problem with currently available political policies is that they are based on ideologies that can not survive in a world where selection is such a basic and over-riding theme. They look superficially attractive on paper but fail the test when put to the test in reality.
Mick from France explains the effect of that reality very succinctly and eloquently and Julia Phillips recounts what happens when ideology conflicts with reality.
Are employers to be persuaded to select their employees without reverting to their abilities? I wouldnt want to rely on a CEO or a plumber who had been selected because they came from a disadvantaged background.
Edwin Thornber, Bucharest, Romania
Sir,
What happened last week in the Tory Party will happen again and again, because Cameron is not the leader the Conservative Party needs.
The Tory Party needs an experienced leader, and not certainly someone who entered Parliament only in 2001.
I believe that Cameron does not and will never possess the authority a Tory Party leader needs.
Instead, someone like Portillo could still bring back the old glory to the Tory Party.
If Malcon Rifkind were a man of honour, he would resign as Conservative M.P. for Kensington and Chelsea, in order to enable Portillo to go back to the Shadow Cabinet.
ROSS HENRY, london,
My wife and I have just returned from visiting friends in Denmark where the vast majority of families use the State system. Our friends informed us that, although the local State school was excellent for their son, their daughter was faring less well. As a result they have moved her to a private school using a voucher to meet the fees (in other words, their contribution through taxation). This seems an an equitable and sensible approach, encouraging competition and enabling parental choice for all. It will inevitably raise standards. Lets' examine the Scandanavian model rather than our own educational history.
Nicholas, Yorkshire, UK
"Pupils in Trafford, where there are grammars, outperform those in Bury, where there are none, even though the cities are socially similar."
As a proud ex-pupil of Bury Grammar School I should point out this research is not quite right! And incidentally Bury is a town and not a city.
Dan, Melbourne, Australia
I favour, streaming throughout a child's education, not selection at an arbitrary age of 11 or 13. The Tories are right to put this failed policy to bed and I think Cameron was absolutely right, by slapping down the old guard intent on living in the past, which the electorate has so rounding dismissed.
I think education which encourages a minority of children at the expense of the majority is simply wrong, unless it is entirely privately funded and without tax breaks.
The notion of giving parents more choice and influence over their child's education through vouchers, is worthy of detailed examination. As a School Governor of an excellent school in the Yorkshire Dales, I worry for the children in those schools subject to special measures, surely parent power is the key to their progress.
John R Bacon, Richmond, Yorkshire UK
It would be good for the two prominent parties to admit that their greatest errors were 1) Labour: The Destruction of the Grammar School system and 2) Conservatives: The Sale Off of Council Houses and Playing Fields. Both were fundamental parts of the structure of what is best in our society and both were very much needed by the most vigorous and important part of any society, the Aspirant Middle.
Frankland Macdonald Wood, Sansepolcro 52037, Italy
Vouchers are a stupid idea. The conservatives have tried again and again to sell them and failed everytime. I don't think Cameron will be any more successful. Moreover, if he resorts to comoflaging them as Academies+ he will get no electoral advantage from it.
Instead the Tories should be talking localism. This is the essence of Mr Brady's complaint. How can the party extoll choice but deny it when local people make the 'wrong' answer. The policy therefore should be not to have a policy but to let local people decide on a level playing field so that if the people of Slough want Grammars and of Liverpool want Comprehensives, then that should be fine by us. In fact, what business do those of us living elsewhere have telling other towns how to educate their children?
Scary, Windsor, Berks
I had no idea that Michael Portillo lost the vote for the leadership of the Tory party by only one vote in 2001. What a pity. I'm sure he would have made a stronger and more successful leader than IDS. and all the ones that followed (except perhaps Michael Howard).
Maxine, Southend , UK
Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work. Grammar schools work.
Big business are bringing in graduates from other countries because our education system - apart from the Gramma schools DOESN'T WORK !!!
WILL ALL YOU DUMB HEADS IN THE TORY AND LABOUR -PARTIES REALISE THAT YOU ARE DESTROYING THE PRODUCTIVENESS OF THIS COUNTRY WITH YOUR NAVAL GAZING !!!!
I notice that you all send your children to (selective) private schools, so you do understand don't you.
Grammar schools work, ENGLAND,
What does that say about Brown, that he was prepared to block a piece of legislation that he believed in purely for his own narrow selfish benefit. There is no way this man is fit to be PM.
Richard, Northwich,
Vouchers may or may not work, but the biggest concern with them is that they will merely entrench the current system, because the poorest will have their vouchers and the wealthier will have top up money.
Vouchers will need clear thinking through and not just ideology to be confident it can work, and we have to define what it means to be declared a success. If as Mr Portillo suggests we should be aiming for greater social mobility then someone needs to honestly show how vouchers will do this and not just assume it will.
Whatever approach is taken, something needs to be done to raise standards, although first someone needs to define what standards we are aspiring to.
Neil Murphy, cromer,
The whole education is hopelessly confused. "Choice" and "selection" are thrown into the mix as if they are vaguely the same thing, when they are actually polar opposites. In one case the state decides, in the other the parent decides.
Portillo seems in favour of "choice", but hasn't confrontedhow choice could really work.
Firstly you need to expand the number of school places, because without an significant excess of places, there can be no "choice". This will cost money.
Secondly you have to kill off the league table system, because any attempt to promote diversity will be lost under this linear ranking sledgehammer.
Thirdly you have to confront how you will deal with the fact that even with an expansion in supply, the best schools will be oversubscribed, and some kind of selection system will be needed. Is it going to be based on geography, financal, academic ability, lottery ?
Answer this and you may have a policy. But not just waving "choice" like a magic wand
Nick, France,
P.S. Since you think Brady is a bit of plodder, you might have bothered to check his facts. Trafford as "socially comparable" to Bury - you're having a laugh. Trafford might sound "inner-city", but actually contains the million pound house areas of Altrincham and Hale, and stretches out towards Cheshire. Bury contains the rather less than a million pound house areas such as Ramsbottom.
Nick, France,
Michael Portillo may be right to say that selective education has not been a conservative policy for 40 years, but that may be slightly missing the point.
The argument has moved on substantially. as recent social mobility data has shown There is now a palpable sense of increasingly entrenched priveledge in our society and a growing awareness that social mobility has decreased.
Decreasing selection in the state sector, the good comprehensives selecting by house price, increased emphasis on continuous assessment and homework (parental/tutor led) and a ballooning of private education make a childs destiny increasingly dependent on the fortunes of their parents. Opening up higher education has also been deleterious to the less advantaged as degrees are less meaningful and employers may grant early career opportunities on the basis of non-educational experience, contacts etc. Affluent parents with less bright children are obviously happy with this, but I fear for bright, less well off
chris laing, london, uk
I have spent the last week marking assignments for my 17 year-old students taking a BTEC National level course. It was my first encounter with students at this level, and it has been an eye-opener. During lectures I was concerned by their lack of ability to comprehend and synthesise the information given to them, but the standard of the written work is truly appalling. Not only are many of the students completely unable to write in sentences, they have no concept that copying verbatim from their text book or Wikipedia is wrong. The lecturers do their best, but we recognise that we are reaping the crop of the failures of successive government policies in education. I despair for these young people; they have been severely let down by those who should have secured the future of the next generation, not destroyed it. My generation (born in the 1950s) was lucky to get through school and university before the policy makers destroyed the education services of this country.
Julia Phillips, Shipston on Stour, England
As usual an excellent analysis. I am surprised that more people haven't picked up on the 'racial selection' as proposed by Willets (but no academic selection) - as noted by William MacDougall. For making that statement Willets should resign - that sort of social engineering is not part of Conservative Party policy and never has been. It smacks of Political Correctness something which the Cameroons appear unable to oppose.
Ian Burgess, Bristol,
if it aint broke don't mend it. thanks to this government's downgrading of marriage, we now have lots of single mums , many, not all, with unstable feral children. lets get some discipline into dealing with these children who often know their rights but not their obligations, before lowering all children's education into this melee.
philomena, maidstone, kent
It's all an exercise in semantics. The political parties are going to re-introduce 'grammar schools' but they are not in any circumstances to be called that. The objective ought to be to give all our children the best education possible commensurate with their abilities. But you can't say music, modern languages and mathematics should have special separate schools - and ministers children may have private education - but chemistry, biology, medieval history, and English literature will be reserved for the masses. I suspect we are going to have grammar schools after all, but they won't be called by that name.
Brian Lewis, Manila, Philippines
When will we wake up and face the truth? Our educational system, once the envy of much of the world, has now become so devalued that we are deceiving ourselves and our pupils. Of course there was hope in the old three tier system. As an 'eleven plus failure' from a working class home, condemned to a Secondary modern school, I had the opportunity to gain seven O levels, then transfer to a Grammar school for A levels and so go on to University and obtain an honours Physics degree. But what is of real concern now is that as a teacher, and former examiner, of over forty years experience, I am now expected to believe that academic standards are rising. Looking at what I had to learn and teach in the sixties, and what we do now, bears no comparison. We are doing our pupils a great injustice, giving them false expectations and no secure preparation for work in the real world so long as we continue to ignore the facts. Thank God that in some parts of the world we can still teach O level.
Mike loader, Nicosia, Cyprus
Good analysis in many ways. But note two things:
1 - Never mind what Thatcher and Major did, Tory policy in the last three elections was to permit more selection. Willets' reversal of that is a major and mistaken change.
2 - Willets' speech proposed substantial central control, rather than a real voucher system. Parents would be free to choose, as long as they choose schools without selection, with streaming, with phonics, and even with Ofsted still commenting on the arrangement of the chairs. In theory they are free to choose now, so there would be no "brave and radical" policy, except his subsequent appalling suggestion of allowing (requiring?) racial selection.
How can a conservative campaign for this man to be Education Minister?
WIlliam MacDougall, London,
If vouchers are such a good idea they should not be restricted to education. In fact, education is not the ideal place for vouchers since the principle that the vouchers will be spent by people well placed to choose the best option for their children is somewhat dubious.
No. Where we need vouchers is in our transport system. Rather than hand over vast sums of public money to various mediocre train and bus companies, give each person in the country a transport voucher and allow them to choose whether to spend it on petrol for their car or on a ticket for public transport. Let's see how long these companies last in a genuinely competitive market environment.
Jamie, Bolton, UK