IT ASTONISHES ME that there are still so many commentators who seem oblivious to the key facts about the al-Qaeda network. They do not realise that it is not simply like any other terrorist group: it is in a league of its own for ruthlessness and cruelty. Some have even tried to write the obituary of the al-Qaeda network, but it has adapted and morphed since 2001.

The al-Qaeda network is the only terrorist organisation which has both the motivation and the capability to carry out coordinated mass casualty attacks of this kind. This is a major difference between the al-Qaeda network and traditional terrorist groups. The latter, as Brian Jenkins so aptly put it, wanted “a lot of people watching rather than a lot of people dead”.

Al-Qaeda has the most widely dispersed network in the history of modern terrorism. It still has global reach, with a presence in an estimated 65 countries. Its decentralised network makes it particularly hard to suppress: it is a true hydra.

Moreover, unlike more traditional groups, it is actively pursuing materials and expertise to make unconventional weapons, such as chemical devices and radioactive isotopes to create radiological dispersal devices. They were experimenting with chemical weapons in their bases in Afghanistan under the shelter of the Taleban regime, and several al-Qaeda plots to use dirty bombs have been thwarted.

The people who planned and carried out these murderous attacks in London are still at large and there is a real danger of further attacks within the UK. We face the most dangerous form of transnational terrorism that we have ever experienced. Many more lives could be lost if we do not swiftly learn how to tackle the al-Qaeda network more effectively. But in order to suppress it we need to be willing to sustain our efforts over many years, even decades if necessary. It should also be borne in mind that if we deflect our energies to try to intervene in other conflicts we may overstretch our resources and weaken our ability to suppress al-Qaeda. So we must remain focused on the main threat.

However, we have had some real successes already, such as the capture and conviction of many al-Qaeda terrorists, the toppling of the Taleban regime which gave al-Qaeda safe haven, the freezing of millions of dollars of al-Qaeda assets, and numerous examples, including some in the UK, where terrorist conspiracies have been thwarted or disrupted by proactive intelligence and police action.

The implications for the UK are surely clear. Whatever differences may exist about the details of foreign policy we must continue to stand shoulder to shoulder in our efforts to suppress the al-Qaeda network in all its forms. How can we most effectively fight the Hydra?

The first prerequisite for an effective strategy must be that it is genuinely multinational, not only maintaining the solidarity of the existing coalition against terrorism but expanding it. Close collaboration with and between Muslim members of the coalition is particularly important because of their greater access to intelligence on the extremist political groups active in the frontline Muslim states.

Secondly, the strategy must be multi-pronged. Military force is invaluable for certain counter-terrorist tasks such as physical protection of borders and potential targets and for bomb disposal, hostage rescue, but it is not a panacea for defeating a terrorist movement widely dispersed and well hidden in major cities around the world. The strategy must above all be intelligence-led and must utilise to the full all the resources of police and judicial co-operation to apprehend the terrorists and their support networks and bring them to justice. It is foolish to underestimate the role of the criminal justice system. If terrorists are convicted after a fair trial on the basis of clear and convincing evidence, justice is seen to be done and the democracies will continue to occupy the moral high ground. Compromising due process only weakens the claims of democracies to be upholding democratic principles and gives the terrorists a gratuitous propaganda weapon and recruiting sergeant.

Nor should we neglect employing the education system, religious and community leaders, and the mass media in a battle of ideas to reveal the true face of terrorism and to deter impatient, angry young Muslims from joining its ranks. It is disappointing to discover that the US Government spends a mere 0.3 per cent of its total defence budget on public information and the battle of ideas. We have already forgotten that this was one of the most effective of all our assets in the West in winning the Cold War.

Last, but by no means least, we need to promote far more comprehensive and rigorous counter-proliferation measures to prevent acquisition of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons and materials by terrorists, and to help protect the public or at least mitigate the effects on the public in the event of a terrorist attack by such means.

If we work closely with our allies and evolve a more effective global strategy we can eventually unravel and suppress the al-Qaeda network.

Paul Wilkinson is Chairman of the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at St Andrews University.

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