Matthew Parris
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On the voyage of HMS Cameron the time has come for a modest course correction. Not a U-turn, not a change of destination and not by any means a slackening of pace. The pace and energy are awesome. The destination is absolutely right: power and change.
So a U-turn on any big issue would be a fatal error. The thrust of Cameron Conservatism is right, and profoundly so: right to want to change, and right to present this change as a shock. It’s just that, after a shock, Conservative supporters may need a bit of a cuddle.
Change has been overdue because, though Conservative ideas had won the argument, the mood of late 20th-century Conservatism had grown mean-spirited, edgy and defensive just as late 20th-century Britain was growing more confident, relaxed and tolerant. David Cameron has focused that message sharply and hit his party hard with it. It hurts. Consequently we have noticed.
That is good. If you have an improved product to sell then you should not conceal the original model’s defects. But nor should you alienate your very subtantial numbers of existing customers, or forget why they bought the product in the first place. A fine line must be trodden.
It has not been deftly trodden this week. Policy seemed to wobble too far one way, then overcorrect and wobble too far the other. The retreat on grammar schools probably had to be conceded in order to contain a small brush-fire among the parliamentary party, but such incidents are dangerous. If a party whose very name rejoices in the adjective “conservative” cannot find language that stitches together a respect for existing and familiar institutions with a reluctance to turn them into a doctrine and replicate them in unfamiliar situations, then it needs new speechwriters.
Toryism is anciently and uniquely placed to celebrate its wariness of the rigid application of logic to politics. As the former MP of a constituency in which good comprehensive schools have been built out of good grammar schools – an MP whose first surprise in 1979 was Margaret Thatcher’s complete lack of interest in halting that process in West Derbyshire – I take with incredulity the false history that neo-Thatcherites are trying to spin around her gloriously pragmatic decade. Beneath the coat of arms of Eighties Thatcherism the motto is not Semper Fidelis, but Ad Hoc. It is the neo-Thatcherites, not the Cameroons, who betray their party’s life-preserving tradition of bending with the wind. In truth the party’s new logo might better have been the willow than the oak.
But bend though it may, a willow still has roots: deeper than the oak. So has the Conservative Party. This brings us back to the question of Mr Cameron’s own anchorage within his party, and my opening suggestion that, though holding true to his aims, he must bend a little.
The rebirth of the Conservative Party under Mr Cameron will not be like the birth of new Labour under Tony Blair. I realise that Team Cameron has studied Mr Blair’s transformation of his party, and shrewdly understood that there is much to be learnt from this; but he should note the differences as well as the parallels.
True, both parties had grown out of touch with their times. In the imagination of the electorate, both had bad associations with the past that they needed to expunge. Both had parliamentary parties stuck in an ideological rut, and grassroots organisations not all of whose members were good advertisements for change. Both needed to buy in professional communications skills, and raise the status and authority of trained progagandists within their organisations.
So I agree with Mr Cameron that a measure – a measure – of relegation of the status of the parliamentary and the grassroots party has been necessary. Parliament is somewhat – somewhat – less important than it used to be. The electorate are somewhat – somewhat – less party-tribal than they were. Modern political leaders do need to develop direct lines of communication with the public, unmediated by MPs or local party associations. Mr Cameron is right to see this.
But he needs to stop well short of a civil war with his own people. Let us call this agglomerate of MPs and activists the lumpentoriat. It has considerable power. And it is more than just an entrenched nuisance. It has been the winners of almost all the big ideological battles of the past quarter-century. Labour has gained and kept power only by bringing its perceived policies into line with Conservative beliefs. To that extent the “core” Conservative believer is not an embarrassment to the party in the way that the “core” Labour believer was an embarrassment to Labour. Such a parallel does not work.
Mr Blair aimed to make himself popular by kicking many of his own supporters. They were a rogue minority, pulling his party away from its relationship with a wider electorate. The things they believed in were vote-losers. Clause 4 of his party’s constitution was obvious madness. From an incredibly strong position, with Tory administrations (not Tory principles) discredited and huge leads in opinion polls, Mr Blair set about this shin-kicking with calculated abandon. He could afford to.
It would be a mistake for Mr Cameron to copycat this now. There’s plenty to change in the lumpentoriat, of course. But the heart of the millions who voted Conservative in 2005 beats closer to the heart of the nation as a whole than did the heart of the Footite Labour Party whom Neil Kinnock and his successors set out to transform. 1980s Labour was – rightly – 1990s Labour’s principal enemy: a malignant tumour. But the core Conservative vote and the Tory herd at Westminster are in no sense the enemy within. Their leader should see them rather as a slow and sometimes grumpy audience who need to be warmed up a bit, and wooed. The grassroots and backbench Conservative Party is not inherently inimical to what the Tories need to be. It deserves a bit of TLC.
Easy, I know, to talk in generalities. Particulars? No change on policy, I hope – Mr Cameron’s instincts are surely right and he will stick to his guns. But how about a change of tone towards his own side? Mr Cameron does go out and about among constituency associations, and wherever he goes they like him a lot. He needs a real drive to do this more. Tory “activists” are not (like many Labour Party members) political nerds; indeed they are not for the most part activists at all; many are mercifully uninterested in Westminster politics. They are more useful than that: part of their communities – voluntary workers, supper-party givers, churchgoers, cottage-hospital fundraisers, magistrates, vilage-fête organisers. They talk to unaligned but Tory-inclined floating voters. What they are saying about Mr Cameron at present is that he seems quite nice but they aren’t sure what he stands for, and they’d like to hear him talk more about wasted taxes and the nanny state.
The parliamentary party are easy to mock, of mixed calibre and, for the moment, easy to disregard; but they murdered Thatcher, Major and almost every leader thereafter. True, there exist among them serious Neanderthals, but if the Tory whips are to target this minority, the leadership needs to inspire more affection among the middling majority. Mr Cameron may need more friends there one day.
The grammar-school storm, ridiculously unimportant as it ought to be, was not the right way to go about winning them. The impression that a small Cameroon clique is running the show may be unfair but it is an audible grumble in the Commons corridors.
The expensive recruitment of Andy Coulson as the new Tory Director of Communications has dismayed some and surprised many. It may prove inspired. It will need to show results. Mr Coulson may not be the man to advise David Cameron that, like charity, good communications begin at home. But somebody should.
Matthew Parris joined The Times as parliamentary sketchwriter in 1988, a role he held until 2001. He had formerly worked for the Foreign Office and been a Conservative MP from 1979-86. He has published many books on travel and politics and an autobiography, Chance Witness, for which he won the 2004 Orwell Prize. His diary appears in The Times on Thursdays, and his Opinion column on Saturdays
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When, in the penultimate paragraph, you say "a small Cameroon clique is running the show ", was this a freudian slip? Wikipedia describes Cameroon as being home to over 200 different ethnic and linguistic groups, and I agree that reflects the 21st century UK. But Wekepedia also refers to Cameroon's successful national football team. So it must have merely been a typo.
Geoff Riggs, Chepstow, Wales
I agree Thatcher and Major were awful on education in general, and grammar schools in particular, but the last three platforms all pointed in the right direction, and 2001 was excellent. The difference is that Thatcher's failings on education could be overlooked given the importance of the other battles she was fighting. That is no longer true.
Cameron's programme is not working. It is losing Tory votes without winning Lib Dem and Labour votes. He simple-mindedly thinks that by moving to the left he will win centre-left votes. But things are more complex. Not only are we losing voters' respect by the abandonment of our beliefs, many of those betrayed beliefs are popular. For example, I have more than once convinced Lib Dem voters to vote Tory by arguing that Grammar schools are safer with the Tories.
William MacDougall, London,
The mood of the country has certainly changed (MarkS from Leeds) but I do not believe many politicians understand the exent of this nor the contempt they are held in. Any attempt to re-model the opposition along the lines of a failed administration just shows how out of touch and immature the so called leaders are. If taxes are indeed draining the life blood out of the country, then every effort must be found to reduce as soon as possible those that are doing the most damage. If the Conservatives think all they need to do is just manage things more competently then they are in for a big shock. Notwithstanding the incompetency over Grammar Schools during the past two weeks.
Richard, Worcester,
As today's Peter Brookes cartoon brilliantly portrays, Cameron is trying to be all things to all men without realising he is upsetting his lumpertorial. A good analogy is the recent demise of the mighty Marks and Spencer and it took 10 years to find a leader, Stuart Rose, who could see the obvious, why his loyal customers stayed away and corrected the situation accordingly..
Similarly,The problems of the nation are equally obvious, and if Cameron cannot see them and correct them without pandering to the lowest common denominator at the expense of his traditional support, in order to win popularity, then he does not deserve the keys to no.10. The debate on Grammar schools should not be a major problem,, but raising standards at all levels in the public sector, without taxing the electorate into oblivion, is. If there is to be a choice, let us have one, if there is to be a change, let it be one for the better, not more of the same.
M Fishman, London UK,
Interesting stuff, but I think you're missing the point. How many people do you actually think are remotely interested in/supportive of either Cameron, Blair, the Tories or Labour? People are switching off politics in their droves, and I don't blame them.
So it seems a bit silly to sit around discussing the intricacies of party reform when no one's listening apart from the political obsessives such as myself.. the problems with british democracy go far, far deeper. But the politicians are still playing the same game, thinking everythings fine.
Owen, London, UK
"The grammar-school storm, ridiculously unimportant as it ought to be ..." Really? We have a poor education system; one option for change and improvement - reintroducing academic selection for secondary schools - is arbitrarily closed off for no good reason, while a far more questionable and even sinister idea - selection on the grounds of race - is floated; and all this is "ridiculously unimportant"?
Denis Cooper, Maidenhead, England
I think that Matthew's opimism about Cameron is the same as Iain Dale's last week. I am far from convinced that Cameron's 'insticts are surely right'.
The two most important facets of the coming intellectual revolution are as follows:
1. A reassertion of the value of equality between all people, irrespective of creed or colour etc. This will mean a rejection of multiculturalist's policy of special favours to minorities to correct perceived past injustices (e.g. party lists biassed away from white men) and so breeding more prejudice. It will also mean a re-establishment of the right of free speech, even if it offends people.
2. A revoltuion in localism, where powers stolen since the second world war from local communities (such as the right to choose their own type of schools and hospitals, or even whether to have them) are given back.
Although Cameron talks about these things, the evidence suggests that his instincts are on the wrong side of both these issues.
Scary, Windsor,
MP's modern policy shift: Cuddle core conservatives, "a slow and sometimes grumpy audience." But in this column he promotes atheism, opposite to conservative principles.
Hermann Burchard, Stillwater, OK , U.S.A.
Big mistake of Cameron and crew to think that the Conservative Party wants to follow the example of Blair. Cameron may be, but most of us are not in slightest bit content in Blair's Britain.
David Scott, Chester,
>>theyd like to hear him talk more about wasted taxes<<
Yes indeed. What I want from the next government is a good deal more inaction. Stop running advertising campaigns at our expense to nag us about things we do not need or wish to know. Stop throwing money at the Health Service for it to hire more middle-managers to compile charts and presentations for one another. Stop hiring consultants.
Correction: sack all the existing consultants and hire just one more: somebody capable of writing a contract under which the government DOES NOT PAY ANYTHING for schemes that do not succeed.
Ross, Bristol,
The language of the U-Turn is rather like looking for a quote in Charlie Parker's sax playing, they are there but if you spend your time listening for them you will miss what the great instrumentalist is offering. The U-Turn has always been emblematic of indecisiveness in the political arena. Where a Labour Government would employ a focus group and metrics to fashion policy, and still get it wrong, the news that we have a Conservative leader who is not so brittle, defensive and deaf must be great news to a country that has suffered so many false dawns under Labour.
Think what blunders have been committed through the centuries by men that stubbornly pursued policy despite circumstances changing, men who were peddling infallibility. Think on Canute, who, sick of the fawning of his obsequious entourage, tired of his 'flawlessness', committed the waves to cease. Our leaders are human and posses earthly powers. Better a man that recognises such things than some closet messiah.
Malcolm Turner, Alsager, England
I could forgive the Tories almost everything. But Mr Parris
please explain to me why it was a Tory Chief Whip that tried to exempt MPs from the FOI.
That was a far worse move than anything David Willets made.
Incidentially has he really got two brains ?
Peter Bolt, Redditch, UK
Well this sort of Cambridge University educated drivel may play well to the tofu eating chatterati in N London but it isn't going to bring me back to the Consrvatives.
P Holden, Northants, UK
There is a need for Mathew to look north to Scotland where a very interesting political change is happening in the Scottish Parliament. Traditional political wonks see it as minority government and based on the Westminster model is surely doomed. All last week the Scottish Media have been trumpeting that Salmond was a goner before he started. The reality was the first climb down was by the Labour leadership as they realised their own back benchers were going to vote for the proposal to drop tolls on the Forth and Tay bridges.
There are a number of councils in Scotland now run with coalitions of SNP and Scottish Conservatives or Liberal's and Conservatives. A Conservative was unanimously voted presiding officer. Maybe Cameron's legacy is to change Westminster for the good - proportional representation - the voters are sick of the set piece opposition it is not how things actually are done - consensus is the norm.
Peter Thomson, Kirkcudbright, Scotland
Matthew Parris is spot on as usual - I wish he would become part of the Cameron inner circle so he could give his excellent advice in person. I was dismayed by the policy announcement on grammar schools, even though I can see the logic of the case made by Willetts. Cameron needs to do more to persuade us traditional party members and rather less to browbeat us.
Richard Marriott, Kidderminster, England
Michael Murphy is right about the tax / benefit traps Gordon has set. Someone on working tax credit has a marginal tax rate of 66%. What incentive do they have to work harder or longer when they get to keep one pound in three of what they earn?
Raise the thresholds for tax and NI to £11,000 and put a penny on the standard and upper rates to compensate. If Brown stopped taking £1,500 in tax and NI off someone warning £10k, he wouldn't have to give it back so they can afford to live. Then we could do away with huge volumes of paperwork, the ridiculous overpayments, and the beaurocracy to administer it all.
Peter Dunford, Bournemouth, UK
Until he comes up with some popular, distinctive policies, Cameron will continue to be an irrelevance. It's all "brand positioning" and no product.
Janet, London,
MATTHEW please help me to understand this the BLUE
PARTY IS NOW THE GREEN PARTY the red PARTY IS
NOW THE BLUE PARTY the YELLOW party is green and
red ,ps wheres MR BROWN GONE and PM MR BLAIR
thinks our country is the size of the USA very confused
is it me as terry would say.
george william taylor, hull, uk
If you say that Britain has become more relaxed and tolerant in the last decade he to must be out of touch.Relaxed how can I be,more of my money is going in taxes with very little to show for it,everything I look at seems to be in decline and as for tolerance just look around you.I see the opposite,there seems to be a general selfishness throughout .
If this is the view of the Party then they are missing the point,Blair has changed the country for the worse and it is a reintroduction of some old core values that have stood the test of time which are needed.
Nigel Wheatcroft, Wimbledon, UK
Every so often a 'sea change' in mood occurs in the political mood of the nation.
Blair got in in 1997 because the country was fed up with the Tories for all sorts of reasons. A similar discontent is evident now: immigration, housing, public services, taxation and crime to mention a few. People want a change. The recent Scottish and Welsh elections confirm this thesis.
The opportunity for opposition parties now is to offer something new that echoes the mood of the day. So moving into the policy space occupied by the failing incumbents is absurd.
MarkS, Leeds,
No amount of special pleading on Matthew Parris's part will alter the fact that the Tory Party does not have a 'divine right' to rule this country as it used to think it did, and probably still does. And the notion that David Cameron is the one MP destined to lead it back into government becomes ever more risible by the day. That the Tories will one day return to power seems feasible since we have a two-party system in which changes of government do occur from time to time. But that doesn't mean it's a sure bet that Gordon Brown will lose the next election, nor that David Cameron will still be the Tories' leader for the one after that. Talking of which, whatever happened to John Redwood?
K Philips, London,
It's not just politicians who are out of touch... such condescending drivel.
Ed, London,
Cameron was right to study Balir's revamp of Labour but he has an inescapable problem.
Brown has us locked in to the benefit/tax arrangements he has spent (and I mean spent) a decade putting in place. Weaning us off the State teat is going to be painful.
So Cameron's shift must come through education and health being 'improved' through the people paying privately for the more sophisticated curricula and treatments.
This 'free at the point of delivery' mantra has to be dropped, and soon.
Conservatives don't like parting with money, period.
michael murphy, brightlingsea, england
Almost too late for Cameron to pretend he values the 'lumpenproletariat' (as M.P. calls them) iin the party, Certainly in my case it has been; I understood the Cameroon animosity and dislike and have left. But it does seem odd for the Conservative Party associations to work for and fund a machione dedicated to its make-over into a new, 'New Labour' party.
Dr J Findlater, Carnforth,
Mr Parris may well be right about the Conservative party, but the idea that Great Britain has become more relaxed or tolerant or confident in the last decade or decades is preposterous. The reality is more tense, more priggish and suffering a nervous and emotional breakdown, making her very wearing to live with.
john, london, england
From what Matthew Parris says in this article it looks as if we will get a clone of Tony Blair should Cameron become Prime Minister. As for Conservative principles is that the one where you keep increasing indirect taxes and then claiming that taxes are going down. Well not much change from Labour there nor from the previous Tory administrations.
Alan Lewis, Bangkok, Thailand