Matthew Parris
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It has become a cliché of political commentary to quote the remark of the conspiratorial French politician Talleyrand on hearing of the death of a rival: “I wonder what he meant by that?” But seldom has it been more apt than this weekend, as we contemplate the shambles of Gordon Brown’s shock attempt to bring leading Liberal Democrats into his tent.
Theories abound. Writing yesterday, Mary Ann Sieghart suspected it was little more than mischief-making. Peter Riddell thought it was a natural extension of the Chancellor’s long-observed habit of roping in outsiders to add authority to government. Simon Heffer in The Daily Telegraph considered it a brilliant strategy to undermine Sir Menzies Campbell so that his clever underling Nick Clegg – who’s good at wooing Tory voters – becomes leader in time to clobber the Conservatives at the next election. The Guardian’s former political editor Michael White saw a long-term plan to woo Lib Dems so they may in future prop him up.
Tory MPs, meanwhile, remain unsure whether to be indignant or contemptuous. Labour MPs are wondering whether to praise their incoming leader for magnanimity or for guile. And Lib Dem MPs are all over the place.
I think it was just a monumental cockup – on all sides. I think Mr Brown was trying to copy Nicolas Sarkozy but went about it ineptly, as so often happens when you attempt brain surgery with a big clunking fist. It’s only because people are still a bit in awe of Mr Brown that they continue trying to interpret his works in terms of intelligent design.
I wish in a moment to explain why I think this failure of lift-off for consensus politics is no disappointment at all, but a good thing. First, though, let me point to the problems (in this case) with the intelligent design theory of Mr Brown.
The trouble with the “pure mischief-making” theory is that undermining the third party is not in Labour’s interests. The Tories would benefit disproportionately from any dip in the Lib Dem vote.
The trouble with the idea that Brown is preparing the ground for a Lab-Lib pact after the next election is that he has now queered this pitch. Mutual trust has been undermined.
The trouble with the Riddell theory is that though (like most modern political leaders) Brown has always seen advantage in leaning on respected individuals outside party politics, he has been fiercely tribal in his approach to rival parties and encouraged his friends and backbench supporters in that attitude. Watch him in the Chamber. Nobody is more regularly infuriated by Lib Dems and Tories than the Chancellor. We should not confuse a bloody-minded determination to capture enemy regiments and conscript them to his own cause with the instincts of a conciliator.
And the trouble with the theory that it was all a fiendishly Machiavellian plot to make Mr Clegg leader of the Liberal Democrats is that, although this may indeed be the final outcome, that can only happen after another awful bout of Lib Dem infighting. Mr Clegg could inherit a demoralised army, not a lean, mean, Tory-ambushing machine.
So much for What He Meant By That. Yet there’s a little truth in all these conflicting explanations. Brown, I suspect, does sort-of like the idea of ennobling his politics by bringing in respected people from the outside; did sort-of think it might work; does sort-of fret that he may not win an outright majority next time. And doubtless it did sort-of occur to him that he might present a rebuff as a mean-spirited response to a big-hearted offer; and set Lib Dems fighting among themselves . . . . . . And if A then B, and if not-P then possibly Q . . . and it all got horribly tangled up in the great man’s head, so he stomped in and gave it a try anyway because isn’t that what everyone is praising Sarkozy for pulling off in France? And isn’t that how Tony wrapped Ashdown and Roy Jenkins round his little finger after 1997? And didn’t all the commentators love Tony’s moving speeches about a New Britain, and a new and inclusive kind of politics?
And there was another sort-of, I believe, troubling the Brown imagination as well. He must be bothered about not being elected to his next job. He didn’t want a contest, but now has no mandate. Nor will there be an early general election, though at the most recent election Tony Blair had promised to serve a full term. Nobody has voted for Brown: not his own party, and not the British public. “What can I do,” he asks himself, “to get my own special mandate like Tony, but without the danger of a real election?” One response is to try at least to lead a government of the best. To invite respected men and women from other parties is a nod of acknowledgement towards Brown’s democratic deficit: winning legitimacy without the horrible danger of going to the country.
If he reads the press he’ll know he’s escaped from this mess without too much damage. The Westminster world doesn’t quite know what to think, and is inclined to give him the benefit of the doubt. But that doubt will have lodged in many minds: “Does this man really have the necessary sureness of touch?”
Brown has been lucky, this time. Lucky, too, because something worse than the rejection might have occurred. The offer might have been accepted. Imagine if Campbell and Ashdown had said yes.
Within hours Lib Dems would have been making demands and announcing that Brown was “on trial”. There would have followed a messy period in which accusations about betrayal flew. Both parties would have been dogged by argument about what they had agreed and why. Tories would have cackled from the sidelines.
So Mr Brown lives to fight another day. He is not the man, anyway, to pioneer big-tent government, and these are not the circumstances. Propping up a party whose grip on power is faltering is the easiest sort of cooperation to attack. Were the Lib Dems minded (as Sir Menzies is not) to cooperate with a Tory principal Opposition that fell just short of being able to dislodge an enfeebled majority party after the next election, the democratic case for a cross-party deal would be easier to make.
I hope it is not successfully made. I worry that British voters benefit from dingdong politics without really liking it, or understanding why. We say: “I don’t need a choice of schools in my area, I just need one good school”; and many of us might say: “I don’t need competition between political parties, I just need one good administration made up of the best of all of them.” We might equally say: “I don’t need a choice of supermarkets in my town: just one good one.” But the point is that in all these areas it is choice, competition, the rivalry and the edge that sharpens performance and stimulates ideas. You may say that coalition politics leaves us free to choose between alternatives, but simply asks them to cooperate afterwards; but an ethos of cooperation suffocates argument, works against the careers of those who think the unthinkable and stick to their guns.
Good new ideas in politics and economics are often aggressive things; they often hurt somebody; they challenge vested interests; they challenge complacency. They do not thrive in committee rooms whose wood-panelled walls breathe the search for compromise. Would privatisation, the enforced sale of council houses, the taming of the trades unions, have survived a 1980s big-tent government? A political party is a kind of forcing-house for the growth of new ideas and spirits. It is an army by turns beleaguered or hubristic. It holds to and defends and hones doctrines and theories with an enthusiasm born of danger. A big-tent government produces a different internal culture – we see these all across Europe. Though in form it may be democratic because its formation follows an election, its spirit is that of an oligarchy. It ceases to believe, as a political party does, that it is going anywhere. It just is.
I don’t like oligarchies. I distrust consensus. I hate fudge. I relish contrast, competition and choice. These are saving qualities. I began with a cliché and so will end with one. The call for consensus in politics is a siren voice.
Matthew Parris joined The Times as parliamentary sketchwriter in 1988, a role he held until 2001. He had formerly worked for the Foreign Office and been a Conservative MP from 1979-86. He has published many books on travel and politics and an autobiography, Chance Witness, for which he won the 2004 Orwell Prize. His diary appears in The Times on Thursdays, and his Opinion column on Saturdays
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So home life must be 'interesting' for Parris if he as he says : "I donât like oligarchies. I distrust consensus. I hate fudge. I relish contrast, competition and choice." and if he takes those views to heart with the people he live with. :)
Peter Blackburn, Newmarket,
"Prime Ministers since the beginning of the twentieth century who did not first assume office following a General Election but did so in-betweeen General Elections include Balfour, Asquith, Lloyd George, Bonar Law, Baldwin (after Ramsay McDonald in the 1930s), Chamberlain, Churchill, MacMillan, Alec Douglas Home, Callaghan and John Major."
Churchill and Lloyd George were wartime emergency appointments (neither were even party leaders at the time). Baldwin and Law held immediate elections. Balfour, Asquith, MacMillan, Home and Callaghan took over due to the illness or even impending death of their predecessors (this also goes for Eden, who got left out). Tony Blair is fit and healthy, and while I dislike him as a politician I wish him many more years of these assets.
That leaves Chamberlain and Major in support of this point. Is Luckijay suggesting that these are shining examples for Brown to follow?
Huw Clayton, Aberystwyth,
I am amazed that the likes of Mathew Parris are carping that without being elected at a General Election, Gordon Brown has no mandate. Prime Ministers since the beginning of the twentieth century who did not first assume office following a General Election but did so in-betweeen General Elections include Balfour, Asquith, Lloyd George, Bonar Law, Baldwin (after Ramsay McDonald in the 1930s), Chamberlain, Churchill, MacMillan, Alec Douglas Home, Callaghan and John Major. Surely, it is disingenuous to target Gordon Brown by those who should know that their contention has never been part of British constitutional practice.
luckijay, Nyon, Switzerland
"I dont like oligarchies. I distrust consensus. I hate fudge. I relish contrast, competition and choice. These are saving qualities. I began with a cliché and so will end with one. The call for consensus in politics is a siren voice. "
So Wishy-Washy Cameron' is the man for you then.
Never underestimate luck, with a little bit of ability it will get you to the top.
Also Brown would love to be underestimated as it would make life so much easier dealing with the "Smarms" of the"Cameron and Osbourne persuasion".
David Gillespie, Glasgow,
Matthew is undoubtably right. Big tent politics may be good for a circus but I am looking forward to the sharpening of Knives after Blairs departure. From trident to the environment
civil liberties to Iraq it would be refreshing for the political Parties to embrace a new public mood for serious debate. Cameroonies misjudge the mood music with their West London Media friends hoping to ape Blair. Lets hope within all the Parties comes a refreshing emphasis on cutting edge ideas. Well done Matthew, When are you coming back up to Ipswich to discuss the real issues?
craig Macartney, Ipswich, Britain
'A political party is a kind of forcing-house for the growth of new ideas and spirits'???
A political party, of either colour, is a means of maintaining the power of the same old people with the same old ideas. Honest MPs - Parris himself, or Portillo - are speedily sabotaged by the establishment, and ejected as the foreign matter they are.
Root-and-branch revision of our culture is essential. Why not try democracy?
Noel Falconer, COUIZA, France
Brown & Sarkozy are very similar in their methods it seems.
The Sarko sneakily removing the clause on free trade , [ aided & abetted by the Germans ] is the same as our Gordon proclaiming he is the benefactor of all good things in his budget , but then we find all the sneaky things in the small print. " The devil is in the detail "
I t will be interesting to watch the two leaders encircling each other with deep suspicion
in future negotiations.
My bet is that Brown will be no match for Sarkozy, who does have a healthy mandate which gives him enormous confidence, unlike Mr Brown.
Maggie Millington, Brittany, France
Could anyone called Clegg actually become Prime Minister? Nick is probably as good a choice as any, but in the spirit of personalised number plates, isn't a (temporary) name-change warranted here? Look at past names of our leaders: Churchill, Attlee, Macmillan, Blair all have a certain echo to them. The plan falls down when we come to Wilson, Callaghan or Major, and Thatcher sounds too vocational to be taken seriously. But Clegg? Prime Minister Clegg? First Lord of the Treasury Clegg? A lead ballon has more resonance. Hasn't Nick got a favourite uncle blessed with a different name? Or could he not ameliorate the name a bit, like Cleggheaton, for example, or Clegg-Prosser, or Harvey-Clegg. Any of those would lend a certain kind of feng shui to any door with his name on, a door, perhaps, that might one day also have 10 written on it.
Mike Mitchell, Spalding, England
I also don't like oligarchies & prefer competition. However our current electoral system doesn't provide it. I don't know that there is much truth to Matthew's claim that the prospect of forming part of a coalition inhibits putting forward new ideas - the need to be part of a big tent party certainly inhibits them, ask Howard Flight.
The electoral system entrenches the big parties in power - taking it is turn to act as government or to act as the escape valve for the public's dienchantment with the current government - while trying to prove that they are still close enough to whatever is the alleged middle ground to take over next time.
If Brown is, accidentally or otherwise, going to shake up that consensus by bringing in people outside the political consensus, or even LibDems, then it is difficult to see that as other than an improvement, even from a low base.
neil craig, glasgow, scotland
A correct point of view and one which has been verified by studies on the way groups work. A terrible problem arises in groups where consensus is believed to be more important than telling the truth. The problem even has a name, "groupthink". Everyone goes with the group, even if privately they think the group has the wrong idea. The net result is that ideas aren't given proper discussion and often turn out to be dangerously wrong. Dingdong politics is an effective way of avoiding groupthink.
John Small, Faversham, UK
I cannot figure out how Ashdown or any other politician with political views different from NuLab could have served in a NuLab government? It's surely bizarre.
Doug, Manchester, England
This is the first of many "brown blunders" he will try too hard to show he has changed his spots and fail dismaly and if Cameron plays pmqs correctly he will revert to type and thats him finished.
mitch, wolverhampton, england
I don't like oligarchies and consensus either.
Let's get out of the Fourth Reich (EU) now! While we still can!
Daniel, Milton Keynes, UK
You are pretty much out of luck then.
We are in a period of dingy slush for the political weather forecast. No bracing rain storms, no brilliant sunny days.
Parties tend to mean less and less. Individual views among politicians tend to mean less and less, organizational views and values tending to dominate.
It is precisely the same in the United States. I suspect the British situation derives from social shifts towards American values.
Few words the leading Democrats say in their campaigns couldn't have been said by Republicans.
If you will, it is poltical correcness writ large. Or a world of marketing and advertising, of store aisles filled by two big companies' brands.
A pleasant or interesting face plus a pleasant or interesting voice - these are the contemporary political requirements.
The ability to avoid directly answering a question, while seeming to, is crucial.
Politics is becoming acting which is why more actors are becoming politicians.
John Chuckman, Toronto, Canada
Damn right, Matthew Parris.
John Peters, Swansea,
I think it's all much simpler. The Lib dems are essentially a Scottish tribe in origin, having their ancestral home up north. Since the Scottish Nationalists are firmly ensconced as the great rival to the Labour Party, the only way left to GB of keeping a toe-hold, if not a foot-hold, in his homeland is by wooing those Caledonians who still believe in the UK. Thus he can a present a joint British-Scottish front.
Francis Tuttle, London,
"We have a Prime Minister without people-handling skills, combined with a lack of appreciation of his own limitations. Disaster beckons.
Henry Curteis, LONDON sw15, UK"
I hope so!!!!!
Mike Thomas, Rotherham,
Parris has already laid more punches on Gordon in two weeks than he managed with TB in ten years. I feel like saying to those Labour mps, "You short sighted idiots!"
kevin molloy, liverpool,
The way I see it , Brown pretended to intervene bcause he wants to avoid a referendum too,.to promote the appearance that we stll have a choice.
German ministers will openly tell us that we don't need a referendum because Blair signed the constitution in 2004.
This whole eu absorption has been built on such lies and deception, I cannot understand anyone who is not suspicious of the end 'vision'.
KACEY, Plymouth, England
I agree that coalition stifles essential debate when it comes to issues such as the provision of health services, education, foreign policy, etc. However, the policy debates that we need to have in these areas are not also required when it comes to Northern Ireland, which is the role Mr. Brown apparently had in mind for Lord Ashdown. The aim of ensuring lasting peace in Northern Ireland is best met by appointing someone, like Lord Ashdown, who has already proven his skills elsewhere.
Tim Barrow, London, UK
Our 'nominated' Prime Minister is credited with many achievements during his time at Number 11. But I struggle to see any lasting positive effects from any of them ! Independence for the Bank of England meant dumping responsibility on somebody else and the tax credit system is loathed - even by the poor stressed out staff at the Revenue ! He is , of course. a dabhand at taking part in press calls dishing out taxpayers money as if it came from his own personal bank account.!
So I can not wait for him to take over this week. What big announcement will we rejoice at ? What great big idea will he trumpet from his new doorstep ? What brilliant minds will he promote to his cabinet ? What self righteous moralising pseudo religious pap will he spout when taking the short walk from number 11 to number 10 ?
And importantly, what will be his cunning plan ? Less government (or less Brown) ? More choice ? Extra bank holidays?
Cunning plan ? Or one of Baldrick's turnips!
D Latham, Marlborough, Wiltsthire
The two words which came out of your article and describe Gordon to a tee are"clunking fist".He tries to have full control of everything,just look at the economy,just look at the rules on taxation,in fact just look at the last ten years.
Whatever has been done always has had Gordon and the treasury in the background controlling the finance.
You are right we have to have clear boundries between the parties to know what we are voting for.Cameron is to like Blair for any meaningful difference for the voters.The Lib-Dems are too like NuLabour.The parties have to stand up and actually state their core values,which at the present seem to be to much alike and media orientated.
Nigel Wheatcroft, Wimbledon, uk
Matthew is quite right, theoretically we have adversarial politics which examines proposals in detail before they are adopted. In practice (apart from the 80s) we've had one party state Butskellist politics since WW2. Everyone being in the same tent is no guarantee it's the right tent, generally the contrary
John Ledbury, Kings Lynn, England
Gordon Brown's offer to Lib Dems was either incredibly devious, or incredibly badly considered. How could the Lib Dems possibly have accepted, when their policies differ from Labour's so fundamentally in certain respects? A PR system tends to produce coalition governments, but in that sort of situation each party retains its own identity, and the parties have to compromise to get their policies adopted. That is not such a bad thing. However, I tend to agree with you, Matthew, that an adversarial system, whereby policies are rigorously opposed and criticised in public, would probably produce a better result.
Cathy , Bristol, UK
Brown did this because he is desperate to look different, innovative, positive, forward thinking and inclusive. He did it for the same reason he made his phantom tax cut earlier this year - for the headlines thinking we would be blind to the realities of it.
Yet his attempts to make himself look more cuddly and likeable are working to a certain extent. People are showing that they are prepared to give him a chance. I would admit to being impressed with some things I've heard even if the suspicion remains that it will just be a headline with no follow through.
Brown has the chance this week to make an immediate impact on issues such as Iraq and Europe with bold and innovative measures that are more than mere headline grabbers. Now that he has the big job can he make the big bold moves or do we have another prime minister like Wilson, with a great intellect deployed mostly on damage limitation, political chicanery and glossy but ultimately empty promises?
Paul Owen, Birmingham, UK
Well said! When we forsake competition for cooperation we fail to realise it is a short step to collusion. And before we know it we're on the road to tyranny.
James , Canberra, Australia.
It's a good article, saying that Brown's trying to avoid election, competition and debate - excpet that when debate inevitably occurs it is in a spirit of fury and rage. Every possible theory is examined by Parris in case it can explain what is going on with Brown, barring any which might be seen as too rude to an incoming Prime Minister.
Brown has a simplistic mentality, and continually finds it puzzling that the world does not conform with the simplicity that he sees.
We have a Prime Minister without people-handling skills, combined with a lack of appreciation of his own limitations. Disaster beckons.
Henry Curteis, LONDON sw15, UK
Well said Mr Parris
Trevor Holcroft, oxford, OXON