Peter Riddell: Political Briefing
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Sir Michael Barber has written the most interesting book so far by a Blair insider, precisely because it is so unlike all the other kiss-and-tell, or sneak-and-stab, accounts.
Its heart is a discussion of policy, and especially the work of the Prime Minister’s Delivery Unit, which he established and ran from 2001 to 2005 to achieve Mr Blair’s priority targets on hospital waiting times, school standards, street crime, numbers of asylum-seekers and railway punctuality. How do you translate prime ministerial aspirations into improved performance?
In part, this is a story akin to Yes, Prime Minister, as Sir Michael tells how he won over senior ministers, civil servants and particularly the Treasury. He is one of the rare figures to get on well with both Mr Blair and Gordon Brown.
The Barber approach has been seen as epitomising an excessive reliance on centrally driven targets. That is reflected in his call for a strengthening of the centre of government, through the creation of a department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, as in Australia, to push through reform.
But his argument is more complicated. He sees a stronger centre as only part of the transformation of services. Command and control can shift a service from awful to adequate. But it is only a first step. A quasi-market approach works well by putting users in the driving seat in education and health, provided that equity is protected, which requires state regulation. In other areas, such as policing and prisons, individual choice cannot apply and devolution and transparency are the key. But these approaches all require a central lead to create capacity, on performance and strategic direction.
Sir Michael’s book is much more than a look back. It also has lessons for the incoming Brown team. The latter’s advisers are wary of anything smacking of presidentialism: hence, there is unlikely to be a new department. But many of Sir Michael’s ideas could have an impact on a Brown government’s approach.
Sir Michael’s book is, above all, a reminder that there is more to the Mr Blair record than Iraq. At present, not many may share his belief that “Blair’s achievements on public services are substantial and will turn out to be long-lasting – and could result in an entirely new settlement of similar scale and long-term impact as that wrought by Attlee in the late 1940s”. But Mr Blair’s policies have changed the terms of the debate on public spending and services, for both Labour and the Tories.

Peter Riddell has been a leading political commentator and an Assistant Editor for The Times since 1991. He writes mainly, but not exclusively, about British politics and has published several books on British politics, including not one, but two, on Margaret Thatcher
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This is a fascinating article.
It is interesting that the reporting of politics and indeed the view of the opposition is often inevitably short term (how could it be otherwise), with suggestions that the government has spent a lot of money with few outcomes. The reality is that whole scale change and investment would not impact on services straight away, how could it?
If Cameron becomes the next (but one) Prime Minister, at first he will probably take credit for reforms that are seeping through now, and as he starts to initiate changes at first they will be welcomed, but inevitably he will be castigated for non-achievement.
This has been the lot of government after government, but it does mean there is no long term view, there is no sense of seeing tasks through, too much of the business of government is about change for the sake of change, without a process of consolidation, review or genuine debate about long term planning.
This is an increasing issue given 24hr news programmes
Gareth Young, Redditch, Worcs, United Kingdom
Barber is thought to have coined the phrase standards not structures so beloved of Blairs first administration, now repeated somewhat surprisingly by the Tory education team. At some point along the way though they decided after all that structures are important, and realised that increased investment though necessary is not sufficient in itself to improve performance . So the Government began freeing up the supply side in education but late in the day. Where Barber and his political masters failed was in creating a transformative culture throughout public services in which those responsible for delivery understood what was required of them, bought into the idea and were incentivised to deliver. Indeed few would argue that real contestability currently exists in the supply side . Certainly not in education and childrens services. So, Barber left behind a mixed legacy.
patrick watson, london, united kingdom
The mention of a "Delivery Unit" reminds me that such ideas are ultimately self-destructive. Ideas like this crop up all the time in business. They aim to promote some good, or restrain some harm, and to begin with, they work, but over time some people learn to game the system, and others come to confuse meeting numeric goals with successful performance.
So from an initial good idea - have goals and measure results - comes the spin doctor who dresses up bad outcomes as good, who announces spending three times, who slips out bad news on 9/11, who confuses increased spending with better service.
I call this the "system fallacy"; the notion that a structure by itself can improve delivery, when in the end it is down to the performance of the individual or the team.
jon livesey, Sunnyvale, CA/US