Nick Clegg should ask himself one simple question about everything he does and says: am I sharpening up the Liberal Democrats’ identity in the minds of voters? The great danger for all third parties is that they are ignored for most of the time. They can easily get squeezed out of the news by the Conservatives and Labour.

Avoiding that fate requires both tactical and strategic dexterity. Mr Clegg still has to learn the former. During his leadership campaign, he showed a tendency to waffle, to give rambling, well-intentioned answers that left viewers and listeners puzzled and unimpressed.

His role models should be David Owen, in the mid-1980s, and Paddy Ashdown a decade later. Both showed an ability to insert themselves into the daily news agenda, to be noticed and quoted. This is partly a matter of their authority, particularly on foreign affairs, but also willingness to take clear-cut positions. Vince Cable did that as acting leader, as did Chris Huhne on party donations.

Mr Clegg’s debut has been mixed. He is correct about the need for better channels of communication with voters, especially those excluded from politics. But his plan to set up a network of “real families” (as opposed, presumbly, to those on reality TV shows) to advise him on his priorities is an empty gimmick. “Listening” only means something when people can focus on precise proposals to alleviate their everyday problems, such as vandalism or access to doctors. Precision is all.

The rapid reshuffle of his top team was largely predictable, and sensible. He has adapted Michael Howard’s idea of grouping spokesmen into groups: under Vince Cable on the economy and business; Chris Huhne on home affairs and justice; Ed Davey on international affairs; David Laws on public services; Steve Webb on the environment; and Susan Kramer on families.

But Mr Clegg has avoided the Howard trap of having overlords without precise departmental responsibilities. This did not work, as roles were blurred and it was unclear who shadowed what. Under the Clegg plan everyone has an exact brief. The downside is a ridiculously large Shadow Cabinet of 29, with three others attending, adding up to half the parliamentary party.

The longer-term test is strategic. Mr Clegg has inherited some bold policies on green issues and taxation, though it is easy to be bemused by their complexity. As he indicated in his most interesting campaign speech, Mr Clegg is ready to challenge his party on public services, to produce a greater diversity of supply. The key roles will be played by Mr Laws (schools), Norman Lamb (health) and Julia Goldsworthy (communities and local government), who has now replaced Mr Clegg in the dubious position of being tipped as the next leader.

The Lib Dems also have a big opportunity on Europe, given the Government’s ineffective caution and the Conservatives’ ingrained hostility. That is a sensible use of Charles Kennedy’s talents as a campaigner.

But, throughout, Mr Clegg must avoid woolly good intentions. A sharper cutting edge, whether on policy or in Prime Minister’s questions, is vital. Being liked is not nearly enough.

Leading lights

Paddy Ashdown The first leader of the Liberal Democrats, March 1988. He was popular with the public. Resigned in 1999, after 60th birthday

Charles Kennedy Led party to popularity from August 1999 to January 2006. Known as “Chat-show Charlie”.Party tried to depose him over drink problem

Sir Menzies Campbell Leader from March 2006 to October 2007. Never proved as popular as Mr Kennedy. At 66 was perceived as too old

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