Vladimir Putin is one of those politicians who seem to perform best when under pressure. Over the past year, the Russian leader has come under sustained attack from Western commentators and human rights activists for the growing authoritarianism of his Government. The crack-down on the press and the appalling series of murders of journalists, businessmen and democracy activists has deservedly been condemned. Yesterday, however, he gave a virtuoso performance at his annual press conference, batting away awkward questions during a three-and-a-half-hour session with more than 1,200 journalists. He was combative, confidant and competent, but not wholly convincing.

He attempted to portray a Russia that was economically robust, a victim of unfair suspicions abroad, and wary of Western, especially US, intentions. Some of his claims were true. But just as many were self-serving. There was little assurance to Western critics of any let-up in Russia’s determination to use its vast energy resources to bolster its global role — despite Mr Putin’s denial that energy was an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, the cautious interest he voiced in coordinating export policies with other gas-producing countries is frankly alarming, despite his insistence that this would not be a new cartel.

The Russian leader could afford to sound confident, however. His authority at home is unchallenged and he remains extraordinarily popular. Partly this is because he has an astute feel for the national mood. He has run a government that has reimposed some of the discipline and many of the controls of the Soviet period — reassuring to Russians bemused by the economic anarchy of Boris Yeltsin’s era. He has reasserted a prickly nationalism at home, and in dealings with former Soviet republics, which corresponds to a wounded Russian amour-propre. But, above all, he has had the luck to preside over an economic resurgence that has more than doubled the living standards of most Russians (though still leaving glaring inequalities), paid off foreign loans and revived spending on health and education. Growth is running at around 6.8 per cent, GDP reached $1 trillion last year and foreign direct investment is pouring in — to the tune of $30 billion last year (after a more than $20 billion outflow in 2005). Little wonder that he is generally popular.

Mr Putin, however, will not be leader beyond next year. And the succession now dominates political talk in Russia. His insistence yesterday that he would not, at this stage, endorse a successor may be wise politics. But his promise of a free choice in 2008 is disingenuous. Anyone with the Kremlin imprimatur is almost guaranteed election. And the old art of Kremlinology strongly suggests that Dmitri Medvedev, the powerful Deputy Prime Minister, will be the anointed, with Mr Putin possibly reserving for himself a Deng Xiaoping role in the wings as head of a revamped National Security Council.

The election, however, is already tainting Russian politics as aides jostle for position. Arguably the recent murders, including the Litvinenko killing, are linked to this. Mr Putin was at his least convincing in expressing sympathy for the victims. He needs to understand that, in the long run, oil and prosperity are not enough. What Russia urgently needs is justice, fairness, democracy, tolerance — then it will deserve respect.