Events are moving swiftly in Pakistan, and it is clear that both the Government and the Opposition are determined to keep their options open after President Musharraf's imposition of emergency rule. Benazir Bhutto, the head of the Pakistan People's Party, flew to Islamabad yesterday for talks with political leaders. She insisted that she would not meet General Musharraf but pointedly issued no call to her supporters to take to the streets. Although the Prime Minister suggested that it could take up to two years before elections were held, the Attorney-General said that national and provincial assemblies would be dissolved next week and elections would take place by mid-January. Britain and America continued to voice regret at the general's move, but made it clear that aid and support would continue even as they urged him to announce a timetable for the restoration of democracy.

Pakistanis, on the whole, have reacted warily to the emergency decree. The most vocal opposition has come from lawyers and the judiciary, especially the Chief Justice, whose dismissal — only three months after his reinstatement — and detention was one of the first measures taken under the emergency. This explains much about the timing of President Musharraf's move. It also suggests a way for the beleaguered general to get Pakistan back on track. For what has been most damaging and vexing to him in recent months was the opposition of Pakistan's influential legal community. The judiciary prides itself on being one of the few institutions that has worked reasonably well since the State's creation, seeing itself as a neutral and secular force to uphold the Constitution, whatever the turmoil. Unfortunately, this self-regard can turn self-indulgent.

General Musharraf's insistence on retaining his uniform while standing for re-election was taken by the Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudhry, as a challenge to the constitution. His opposition, and ill-judged dismissal, helped to turn much of the judiciary against the President, goading many lawyers into an inappropriate role as a self-appointed opposition. The emergency declaration was thus intended to pre-empt a ruling of the Supreme Court that would have annulled the President's re-election on October 6.

General Musharraf has now sacked seven justices and stacked the benches with new judges. This paves the way for a judicial endorsement of his election, which, in turn, would allow him to reopen talks with Ms Bhutto, end the controls on Pakistan's courageous media and hold parliamentary elections in January. There is a clear path out of this mess and he should take it. Indeed, although to constitutional purists it still looks like a fudge, it is by the best way to restore stability and reassure Pakistan's friends abroad.

Britain and America have been embarrassed by a step that looks all too like an anti-democratic coup. Neither country is ready to break with a leader who has played a vital role in the struggle against extremists, in ending Pakistan's pointless feud with India and in cracking down on jihadists schools and centres exporting terrorism. In truth also, there is no immediate alternative to President Musharraf, nor is the stabilising of the crucial border with Afghanistan possible without him. While restraint is being exercised on all sides, he must swiftly start outlining a return to the rule of democracy and law.