Dictatorships, no matter how benign or necessary, are difficult to stomach, but for much of his tenure as leader of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf has looked like the acceptable face of this unlikeable variety of military autocracy. He took power in 1999 in a bloodless coup; he provided invaluable assistance to those fighting murderous Islamist extremism; and appeared committed to restoring his febrile South Asian state to democratic rule.

Latterly, his commitment to civil authority has looked more theoretical than actual. His treatment of the judiciary was, to say the least, heavy-handed. His postponement of parliamentary elections scheduled for the spring looked alarmingly like a cancellation. And most disconcerting of all, by imposing a state of emergency on November 3, Mr Musharraf appeared to be taking a stranglehold grip in the traditional, brutal way preferred by most of those who rise to absolute power through military ranks.

Political opponents — notably the former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif — did not miss an opportunity to cast doubt on his intentions. More extreme factions, including al-Qaeda, pursued their vested interest in chaos with characteristic, appalling violence. But the man who has ruled Pakistan for the past eight years is proving that he means what he has said about the advantages and advisability of civilian rule. The disconcerting turns taken in recent weeks may have looked dangerously regressive. It now appears that they were taken, much as President Musharraf maintained all along, in order to help, not hinder, the transition from military dictatorship to civilian democracy.

Although much remains to be done, Mr Musharraf took two important steps forward yesterday. By exchanging his army uniform for a neat, high-collared sherwani he sent an important signal to friends and foes, at home and abroad. However, his wardrobe choices are meaningless without commitment on more substantial issues relating to the state of emergency and democratic elections. After all, the President's hold on power is undiminished and unchanged — if one can assume that General Ashfaq Kayani, his successor at the head of the army, is loyal. Supported by General Kayani, a former head of Pakistan's intelligence services, Mr Musharraf still owes his position to force of arms.

President Musharraf may be criticised for not lifting the state of emergency sooner. Without the threat that it might bring Mr Sharif and Ms Bhutto together in an uncomfortable alliance, it could have dragged on longer, however. But the President's promise to return the country to civilian rule on December 16 is not just an important second step; it is one that ratifies the decision to hand over control of the military.

He must now live up to his pledge to allow parliamentary elections to take place, in freedom, in January. Meanwhile, no one should assume that Pakistan's future is either assured, or likely to be entirely peaceful and prosperous. Indeed, the country may only now be embarking on the most difficult phase of its transition. If it is to mature into a fully fledged democracy, complete with the best that civil liberties and human rights can bring, supporters of progress must be ready to make sacrifices for a cause whose significance resonates far beyond Pakistan.