Far from settling the swirling conspiracy theories, Scotland Yard's report into the assassination of Benazir Bhutto may give them a new lease of life. The report, published yesterday, said the former Prime Minister and leader of the Pakistan People's Party was killed by a head injury caused by the impact of the bomb blast, and not by a bullet. Conveniently for the Government, it largely supports President Musharraf's insistence that she had been properly protected but by standing up had made herself vulnerable - an issue that has been imbued with huge, and largely spurious, significance because of the PPP's suspicion that the assassin had been helped by Pakistan's military or intelligence.

Because of this, the report is bound to fuel scepticism. Opposition politicians will ask how a British pathologist was able to reach such an unqualified conclusion when so much vital evidence was missing: the area in which Ms Bhutto was killed was hosed down and her body was not examined by doctors after her death. The conclusion appears to have been based largely on television footage and X-rays, which showed that the only apparent injury was a major trauma to the right side of the head, caused, the report suggested, by a violent impact somewhere in the vehicle's escape hatch.

Scotland Yard was asked only to conclude how she died, not to say who was responsible or how many people were involved. That being so, the report may be as close to the truth as it is possible to come. Scotland Yard may now regret being drawn into the argument, although it would have been hard to refuse the President's request: given the connections between Pakistan and terrorists operating in Britain, the police need to maintain good links with Islamabad. The argument itself, however, is a distraction, perhaps deliberate, from the central issue now facing Pakistan: can the election, rescheduled for February 18, go ahead freely, and will President Musharraf abide by the result, however confused that may be?

Since Ms Bhutto's assassination, he has been under enormous pressure, at home and abroad, to prove that he is willing to return his country to democracy. He has not, however, given the world confidence that he will do so except on his own restricted terms. To say the least, his pronouncements and actions have been unfortunate. Every concession made to the democratic process, including the return of Nawaz Sharif from exile, the lifting of media restrictions and the distancing from his former military role, has been made grudgingly and in response to pressure. Even now, restrictions are still being placed on the election campaign: the opposition politician Imran Khan was barred from entering Karachi on Thursday because he has called for a boycott of the vote; and a blackout was imposed on a private television station because it allowed a critic of the President to appear on air.

Responsibility for ensuring credible elections also rests with the parties, however. The PPP believes it can ride a wave of sympathy to win a large share of the vote. But the temptation to blame Ms Bhutto's “martyrdom” wholly on the Government, fuelled by conspiracy theories, is a culpable distraction from what should be the main issues: the rights and freedoms of civil society, the fight against extremism, the separatist rebellions in parts of the country and Pakistan's lamentable record in such key areas as education. Other parties, including those supporting Nawaz Sharif, are equally reluctant to engage in the issues, preferring to exploit regional tensions, religious extremism and dynastic quarrels.

Mr Musharraf can claim credit for one huge achievement: he has insulated the rapprochement with India from Pakistan's domestic turmoil. And he has continued to commit his country to the global struggle against terrorism, however equivocal some of his dealings with regional militants. He must now understand that despite the risks the election result may bring - including his own possible impeachment by a hostile Parliament - his constitutional duty is to ensure that it will be determined, openly and freely, by Pakistani voters and not by a cabal of associates and military men. Only then can Pakistan emerge from its long political trauma.