The election victory by President Tadic's pro-Western Democratic Party in Serbia is heartening, unexpected and poses considerable difficulties not only for the country's squabbling politicians but also for its European wellwishers. The Democrats find themselves the largest party in the 250-seat parliament, but without enough seats to form a government on their own. In the search for coalition partners, they are faced with a bizarre choice: working either in tandem with the Socialists, the once-dominant party of the late Slobodan Milosevic, or in partnership with the Liberal Democratic Party, whose leader negotiated the deposed strongman's arrest in 2001.

An alliance with either would be enough to foil attempts by the defeated nationalists, particularly the Radical party, to form a coalition that tried to thwart the clear wishes of most Serbs for closer relations with the European Union. The last Government, headed by the increasingly nationalist Vojislav Kostunica, collapsed after the Prime Minister refused to accept closer links with the EU because some its members recognised an independent Kosovo. The issue dominated the election campaign, polarising Serbs between those who regretted the former province's unilateral declaration of independence but were willing, nevertheless, to work with its supporters, and those for whom the loss of the cradle of Serbian national identity is so traumatic that they are willing to turn instead to Moscow for support in their continuing defiance.

The pro-Europe camp says it is now willing to talk to anyone to produce a government that would accelerate links with Europe. Including the small Liberal Democratic Party - the only group ready to accept an independent Kosovo - runs the risk of being seen as defeatist on this emotive question. Allowing the Socialists into government, however, might be seen as hindsight endorsement of the policies pursued by the thuggish and manipulative Milosevic that condemned former Yugoslavia to disaster. And even on other issues, such as privatisation and the role of the State, there seems little common ground. The Socialist leader has, for months, been trying to shake off the Milosevic legacy, but many find his call for better social conditions unconvincing.

To its credit, Europe moved swiftly during the earlier presidential election campaign to offer the Serbs real inducements to look West. Brussels offered to ease the visa regulations for Serbs, a vital issue for businessmen and tourists alike. It also promised closer trade and economic links. And during this last campaign, the EU signed a Stabilisation and Association Agreement, aimed at helping the transition to a market economy and cutting unemployment, currently running at 30 per cent. But now the EU must begin to deliver. This means translating promises into cash, and easing the still tough visa regime. The problem, however, is the condition laid down, largely by the Dutch: Belgrade must offer full co-operation in arresting and handing over for trial the two men indicted for war crimes and still at large, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. These conditions must not be eased or dropped. But Brussels should find a way to begin helping Serbia. The country lies in the heart of new Europe. It rightly stopped its ears to the siren calls from Moscow. It must take its desrved place among its westward-looking neighbours.