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The reported killing of Rashid Rauf, the Birmingham-born militant suspected of masterminding the alleged plot to blow up passenger jets over the Atlantic in 2006, and Abu Zubair al-Masri, a senior al-Qaeda operative appears to deal another heavy blow to al-Qaeda. Rauf and Abu al-Masri were targeted by a missile fired on Saturday from a pilotless US drone while they were hiding in a mud compound in a Pakistani border village in North Waziristan, a sanctuary for al-Qaeda and the Taleban. Their deaths, days after a similar raid killed another senior al-Qaeda member and six others, account for eight of the 20 men most wanted by Pakistani and Western intelligence, who say this has crippled al-Qaeda's ability to launch another terrorist attack on the West.
Pakistan has repeatedly issued public protests at the use of US drones to target militants inside Pakistan. It has given a warning that this could spark an uprising in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan. But it is clear that, privately, President Zardari and his Government are pleased with this swift elimination of many in al-Qaeda's top command who have eluded capture and have led the resistance to Islamabad, inflicting heavy casualties on the Pakistani Army.
Questions have also been asked in Britain over the targeted killing of a British citizen, arrested in Pakistan in connection with the alleged airline plot and wanted for questioning here over the murder of his uncle in Birmingham in 2002. But despite calls on the Government to reveal what it knew in advance of the missile attack, there should be realism over sharing terrorist tip-offs.
Both British and US intelligence services co-operate with counterparts in Pakistan. Both are aware of the dangers. ISI, Pakistan's military intelligence agency, was deeply involved in early support for the Taleban. Some agents have not accepted former President Musharraf's volte-face, and maintain old links, using them, it is suspected, for the recent bomb attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul. The US has been frustrated at Islamabad's failure to strike harder at al-Qaeda and infuriated by recent deals to call off attacks on tribal areas. It is hardly likely to warn Pakistan, or Britain, in advance of airstrikes that might easily be compromised.
Instead, therefore, of arguing over operational tactics, all three countries should now press home their advantage. Mr Zardari needs to convince sceptics in the West that he will follow up his promises to tackle terrorism. At home, he needs to convince the military and the middle classes, aghast at the grip of religious extremism on Pakistani's peripheries, that he will enforce Islamabad's rule and will not surrender to the militants who have now put even Peshawar out of bounds to foreigners and government officials.
Beleaguered by economic collapse, rising domestic dissatisfaction and the ever-present challenge of Kashmir, Mr Zardari is seeking support where he can. Yesterday, in a signal of continued rapprochement with India, he renounced the use of a nuclear first strike. From the West and world financiers he is seeking swift economic help. To Washington, he would be wise to send a message of private support for efforts to seal the Afghan border and break up the terrorist networks operating from Pakistan. US drones have proved selective and effective. Before it can regroup, al-Qaeda's murderous command must dismantled.
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