Sam Coates, Chief Political Correspondent
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The Lisbon treaty is good for Britain and Europe and will mark the end of regular institutional changes, David Miliband promised the House of Commons yesterday.
Opening the first of 20 days of debate on the Bill ratifying the treaty, the Foreign Secretary repeatedly rebuffed calls for a referendum by insisting that it was different in structure, content and consequence from a constitution. This did not prevent Conservative accusations that the Government had reneged on a manifesto commitment. William Hague, the Shadow Foreign Secretary, suggested that the move had undermined public trust.
An amendment that was supported by 18 rebel Labour MPs to kill the Bill was rejected by the Speaker, and last night the second reading was backed by 362 votes to 224, a majority of 138; 19 Labour MPs voted against it.
Little will be left to chance over the next five weeks. Labour whips are installing a text-messaging system to ensure that MPs can be summoned quickly to the chamber. It replaces the pager system that long dictated when and how MPs voted.
Outlining some of the arguments that will be heard regularly, Mr Miliband suggested that the treaty had widespread support outside the chamber, including in organisations such as the NSPCC, Oxfam and Fifa. To laughter, he suggested that even the Commission of Bishops had indicated its support.
“This is a coalition not of ideology but integrity; not of federalism in Europe but of realism about the modern world,” he said. “Only in Britain does one of the two main parties place itself outside this coalition and oppose the treaty root and branch.”
Mr Miliband sought in his opening arguments to portray the Tories in the minority, saying that 27 left-of-centre parties, 27 liberal parties and 26 conservative parties supported the treaty. Fellow opponents included Sinn Fein, the French National Front, the Portuguese Communists and the Dutch Animals Party.
Mr Hague, flanked by David Cameron and George Osborne, told the Commons that the treaty would damage British interests and the economy. “This treaty will weaken one of the greatest strengths of the European Union for the last half-century: its commitment to undistorted competition in the single market, an outcome that can only have resulted from the supine ineffectiveness of Britain’s negotiators.”
He highlighted comments by Jack Straw, who said in 2005, when he was Foreign Secretary, that the constitu- tional aspects of the treaty that meant it required a referendum were the creation of a permanent president of the Council of Ministers and a European foreign minister. “Both of these provisions remain today,” Mr Hague said. “The case for a referendum rests above all on the need for this House and this Government to honour commitments solemnly given. How many times have each of us in this House toured schools and colleges saying to young people that they should take an interest in politics, that their vote makes a difference, that what is said in election time really counts?”
Nick Clegg, the Liberal Democrat leader, disclosed that he had written to the Conservatives demanding clarification of their stance and suggested that they had retreated to “old-style Euroscepticism”. In comments before the debate, he said: “David Cameron appears to have become confused over the differences that do exist between this treaty and the previous draft constitution. Until he explains what the Conservatives would propose to do if this treaty were rejected, his position makes no logical sense.”
Mr Miliband faced angry interventions from critics last night. John Redwood, the former Tory minister, was first to demand a referendum. “Why won’t you give us a referendum when your party promised us one and when all the powers we were worried about transferring in the constitution are being given away needlessly and recklessly in this document?” he asked.
Mr Miliband replied: “For the same reason you voted against a referendum on the Maastricht treaty in 1992, which is that this is a parliamentary democracy and this is an amending treaty.”
Sir Malcolm Rifkind, the former Foreign Secretary, disputed the Government’s assertion that the people have their say though Parliament. He pointed out that Tony Blair had proposed that the constitution be given both parliamentary scrutiny and a referendum.
Gisela Stuart, a former Labour minister, who signed the “wrecking” amendment, questioned Mr Miliband’s assertion that this would mark the end of constitutional change, arguing that the self-amending mechanism gave the EU unforeseeable future powers.
The senior Labour backbencher Gwyneth Dunwoody said of Mr Miliband’s insistence that the consitution and the treaty were the same: “I think you may find yourself alone in that point of view.”
Sir Patrick Cormack, the Tory procedural veteran asked on a point of order for the sitting to be suspended because of the “appalling speech” being given by Mr Miliband, suggesting it showed contempt for the House.

Sam Coates's blog about Westminster, politics and spin
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The government's logic, regarding the issue of whether to put the EU Treaty to a referendum, is fundamentally flawed. Miliband argues that since this Treaty is similar to the previous draft, when voting was denied, it should likewise be denied in this instance. Similar in substance, similar outcome. Yet, the very premise itself that it was right for the government to deny a referendum in the first instance (on the initial draft) is wrong, contrary to their manifesto commitments.
Reversing Miliband's approach - 1) we were promised a vote on the draft, 2) no vote took place, 3) the Treaty is similar, and therefore 4) we are entitled to a vote on this new EU Treaty like we should have been so entitled before. However, in reality, the British people should be able to vote on all such EU treaties, regardless of their similarities to previous documents. Unfortunately for Miliband, just like in the field of international relations, form is more important than substance. Form demands a vote.
Marcin Roth, London, UK
Of course John Redwood was correct when he demanded to know why Labour would not agree to a national referendum after promising to do so : their refusal reveals their complete dishonesty, their contempt for democracy, and what must be either their absolute obtuseness or deliberate surrendering of yet more of this country's independence to the Socialist EU.
But, Milliband had a point when he compared his Party's action to that of the Conservatives who voted against a referendum on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. Apparently Tories have the same view when they are in power, of what defines a 'parliamentary democracy' : the right of a party, once elected to government, to do what it likes irrespective of the known views of the nation.
We have seen this arrogance from both parties before, in such matters as the death penalty, immigration, and the Iraq War.
L Stewart, Spalding, Lincs
What confuses me, is why, a government would willingly, and actively sign away it's own powers to govern?
there must be something in it, not so much for the labour party as a whole, but for certain people in the labour party, mainly the ones who are pushing for this to be passed, without actually checking with the very people who voted them into power.
I certainly will not be suprised when David Miliband is president of europe in 20 years time.
Certain politicians are power crazy, and will do everything they can to get more and more power, be it for the ego, or for the ability to make cash (look at how much Mr Blair is making), or for, well, who knows, maybe they just hate people.
Something stinks about this. If they want us to sign up to europe, sell it to us, and let us decide!
Arthur, Newcastle,
Lets not just have a referendum on this so called treaty but a referendum on whether or not the British public want to remain in the EU.
Patricia Kenny, Bradford, West Yorkshire
I agree with Henry Adams. Its time politicians started standing trial for lying to the public. There is a contract between the elected and the electors and when there is deceit to obtain office then it's fraud.
Bring on the trials and the prison terms for those who have lied to the British Electorate.
Riley, Kyiv, Ukraine
âThe Lisbon treaty is good for Britainâ said Mr Milliband. There will be no Britain if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified.
All power will have been handed over to the EU.
Our misfortune is that there is no parliamentary party and no leader willing to stand up for the British people.
Calling for a referendum is not enough.
No party leader has the guts to call a spade a spade: over 80 per cent of our laws are already Brusselsâ laws and rubber stamped here; two thirds of our government funtions are already wholly or nearly wholly controlled from Brussles.
The Lisbon Treaty is merely the final few lines of a long and shameful saga. The End.
Lindsay Jenkins, London,
"Treachery towards one's own country" is treason. Surely this attempt to bypass a solemn promise to the electorate qualifies?
Nicholas Keen, Philadelphia, USA
Nick Clegg who was only seven when Britain voted âyesâ in the Common Market Referendum, now tells us that unless we accept his version of Europe we should, after 33 years, do a U-turn and vote to leave Europe. Instant politicians (like Nick) are like instant mashed potatoes - nothing like the real thing, turn in to mush when they get into hot water and are best left in their wrapping at the back of the cupboard.
Brian Christley, Abergele, UK
I think NU Labour are right not to put this to a referendum. We wouldn't want the same people who voted for this Government to have a say on Britains future in Europe.
Martin, Reading, UK
Gisela Stuart is right. Due to its self-amending articles, ratifying this treaty would write the EU a total blank cheque for future power transfers. It's simply not acceptable for those we elect to do that without first consulting us directly through a referendum.
In this context, David Miliband's talk of a 'coalition of integrity' in support of the Constitution treaty once again demonstrates his enthusiasm for using Orwellian 'blackwhite' language.
A system in which sovereignty is 'pooled', as the EU-centralists admit is the case with the EU, and which has no single absolute sovereign power is self-evidently a federal system. Can Mr Miliband *really* still be trying to deny this?
If it's realism he wants, perhaps Mr Miliband would care to consider that it's perfectly possible for European countries to co-operate together on the important issues that affect us all without passing all major decision-making powers to central EU institutions.
Stuart Coster, London, UK
Now I understand why they did away with the death penalty for treason.
Idris Francis, Petersfield, UK
Lets hope Brown stands trial for this one better day.
Henry Adams, Manchester, UK