Francis Elliott, Patrick Hosking and David Charter
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Alistair Darling’s car nosed into an industrial estate on the edge of Luxembourg in the teeming rain shortly after 7am yesterday. The Chancellor, who had been woken at 4am, looked drawn.
The previous day there had been the largest fall in the FTSE 100 for 21 years with bank shares taking the worst of the hammering. Markets, spooked by European governments’ ill-disciplined and confused response to the credit crisis, now threatened the survival of lenders across the continent.
Mr Darling, arriving for a routine meeting of EU finance ministers, already knew that it was going to be a difficult day before an official passed him his BlackBerry. On it, the Chancellor read an account by Robert Peston, the BBC business editor, of a meeting that Mr Darling had had with the banks the previous night. As soon as he saw the report the Chancellor knew that it would create havoc in a market unable to withstand any more shocks.
Just how it was that the Treasury’s emergency plan to pump £50 billion of taxpayers’ cash into Britain’s ailing banks dribbled into the public domain over three days will be the subject of future parliamentary, if not judicial, investigation.
What is certain today, however, is that, unlike the successful rescue of Bradford & Bingley ten days ago, Mr Darling lost his ability to control events.
As bank chief executives trooped into the Treasury for the 6pm meeting on Monday, the mood was funereal. Sir Fred Goodwin, the chief executive of Royal Bank of Scotland, had just seen his share price sink by 20 per cent to an all-time closing low of 148p. John Varley, his opposite number at Barclays, was looking at a 15 per cent slide. Top of the agenda was the possibility of a government-led recapitalisa-tion of the banks.
David Cameron, the Conservative leader, had forced the issue – under discussion for weeks behind closed doors – into the public domain at the weekend after George Osborne had had his own private meetings with Mervyn King, the Governor of the Bank of England.
Addressing Labour MPs at the same time, Gordon Brown made clear that he was furious at what he called a breach of trust by the Tories. Mr Cameron and Mr Osborne countered that they were showing political courage to push an idea that had been “in the ether” for some time.
Now the cat was out of the bag, the bankers wanted Mr Darling to act swiftly to reassure the markets about what he had meant on Sunday, when he had said that “pretty big steps” might be needed.
But the banks were themselves divided about how best to take advantage of taxpayers’ cash. The meeting with the Chancellor was followed by a meeting of bank chiefs only. At that gathering, some said that the Government should take preference shares, others that it should invest on the same basis as existing investors, buying ordinary shares.
As they argued among themselves, Mr Darling sought at a reception for newspaper columnists in No 11 to give the impression of a man coping with the pressure.
After 45 minutes of forced jollity, the Chancellor held further meetings with officials assessing how best to formulate and present the bailout before trying to grab a few hours’ rest.
Suspicions that one or more banks were trying to force his hand hardened as Mr Darling read Peston’s blog the next day.
In it, the BBC man wrote that the “Big Three” banks had told Mr Darling “to pull his finger out”. As the Chancellor went into the Ecofin meeting, braced for what the news might do to the market, he ordered an official to remonstrate with Peston. Oddly enough, when the FTSE 100 opened bank shares were – for a few minutes – reasonably resilient.
Then the roof caved in. RBS collapsed by as much as 39 per cent at one point as traders frantically dumped its stock. The frenzied trading was partly fuelled by fears that existing shareholders would lose out in a taxpayer-funded rescue. But the shares were also plagued by worries that RBS had been badly hit by writing insurance policies against Lehman Brothers and other financial institutions that were going bust.
Mr Darling was called out of the meeting to be told of the seriousness of the collapse. At the same time, it emerged that British customers of Icesave could not withdraw their savings after the collapse of the Icelandic parent bank, Landsbanki.
The Chancellor spent 45 minutes considering the Government’s response with his two most senior advisers: Geoffrey Spence, the former head of infrastructure at HSBC, and now a member of the Treasury’s council of economic advisers, and Stephen Pickford, the managing director of the Treasury’s international and finance directorate. Mr Darling decided that he must return to London early and his charter jet was read-ied at Luxembourg airport for a quick getaway.
Seeking to calm the storm, Sir Fred, of RBS, told a banking conference in London that he expected a government decision on the bailout plan “sooner rather than later”.
Mr Varley, of Barclays, who was at the same conference, added an impromptu sentence to his prepared speech. “Contrary to press rumours,” he said, “Barclays has not requested capital from the Government and has no reason to do so.” By lunchtime RBS pushed out a similar denial.
Arriving back in the Treasury at 3.15pm, Mr Darling went straight into a crisis meeting with all his most senior officials, leaving 20 minutes later to brief the Prime Minister in No 10.
Together Mr Darling and Mr Brown decided that they had no option but to bring forward their plans to shore up the troubled banks. The alternative would be to risk the collapse of one – and possibly more – of the most vulnerable lenders in another day of panic.
At 3.45pm Michael Ellam, the Prime Minister’s official spokesman, announced that Mr King and Lord Turner of Ecchinswell had been summoned to No 10 to discuss “proposals for longer-term reform”. Mr Ellam, pointedly refusing to indulge in “irresponsible private briefings”, said that further information would be provided in a “calm and ordered” fashion.
Officials scrambling to finalise the details of the most extraordinary bank nationalisation programme in history might have permitted themselves a wry smile at that.
Indices of fear
VIX The VIX, commonly referred to as the fear index, is traders’ shorthand for volatility index and is traded at the Chicago Board Options Exchange. It provides an insight into investor expectations of price swings of derivatives over the next 30 days, based on the US S&P 500 index. The VIX’s average value over the past two decades is 20. In early 2007 it sat at less than 10, which was close to its record low. On Monday it surged to 52, its highest level since the 1987 crash.
CDS spreads A credit default is a form of insurance against bad debts: the owner gets paid if a company defaults on its borrowings, whether through bankruptcy or restructuring. The higher their price, the less creditworthy the company is perceived as being. Yesterday the cost of insuring against Royal Bank of Scotland’s default rose to 3.28 per cent, so that the annual cost of insuring €10 million of RBS bonds rose by €45,000.
Libor The London Interbank Offered Rate is a daily reference rate that indicates the interest rates at which banks are prepared to lend money to each other in the wholesale markets. The higher the rate, the less willing banks are to lend – either because they seek to conserve cash themselves, or because they fear they will not be repaid. The gap between Bank of England base rates and three-month sterling Libor widened to a record 1.90 percentage points yesterday, against a typical 0.10 points before the credit crunch began.
The dividend/gilt yield crossover A nominal £100 invested in leading company shares, other than bank stocks, now reaps more in annual dividend payments than an identical amount invested in benchmark British government debt – which currently yields 4.23 per cent. This is a rare phenomenon which stock market investors say often indicates that shares have fallen too far too fast, and signals a good time to buy.
Interest rates Savers desperately searching for a safe harbour for their money were dealt a blow yesterday when National Savings & Investments – which offers a 100 per cent guarantee on all deposits – cut interest rates. The government-backed savings provider reduced interest rates by up to 0.2 percentage points on some of its most popular accounts after an influx of customers looking for protection. NS&I’s decision comes after a similar move by Northern Rock. Last week the nationalised bank, which also offers a 100 per cent guarantee to savers, was forced to cut interest rates after it came close to breaching a 1.5 per cent cap on market share of deposits.
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