CHARLES KENNEDY came to the weekly meeting of his Shadow Cabinet with a carefully prepared plan to reassert his authority by demanding loyalty and challenging critics to come and see him.

By the time he left he was fighting to save his leadership, having triggered a series of face-to-face meetings with his senior MPs reminiscent of Margaret Thatcher’s final days in office. Ominously, he had been forced to agree to a parallel series of one-to-one meetings between MPs and Andrew Stunell, his Chief Whip, after all but two of his most senior spokesman said the issue of his leadership must be resolved “once and for all”.

About two thirds of his 23-member Shadow Cabinet gathered for the the 10.30am meeting, the location of which was moved at short notice to the Jubilee Room in the Commons, up two flights on stone steps at the far end of Westminster Hall.

Within the meeting room, with its dark oak-panelled walls hung with oil paintings, tables had been pushed together to form a long rectangle around which the assembled Lib Dems sat.

The leader was seated at one end and flanked by Sir Menzies Campbell, his deputy leader, and Mr Stunell. Mr Kennedy began with a robust statement intended to address a growing dissatisfaction with his leadership, some of which had appeared in the media.

He spoke for three or four minutes, declaring that he intended to remain as leader and that briefing against him must stop. Anyone with any concerns could go to see him, he told them. The implication was that anyone who thought he should no longer be leader would have to leave the front bench.

Then came the critical moment. Mr Kennedy stopped, clearly intending to move on to the meeting’s agenda, which included items on the Government’s education White Paper, the Racial and Religious Hatred Bill and Lib Dem plans for cuts in Whitehall budgets.

Before he could do so, a solitary hand was raised indicating a wish to speak.

An MP, whom none of those present would identify to The Times, told the leader that they had concerns and that the issue over his leadership would not go away.

The MP proposed a series of consultations with the Chief Whip rather than letting the matter rest or triggering a debate at the meeting.

Immediately, two leadership loyalists, Mark Oaten and Lembit Opik, responded. Both argued forcefully that Mr Kennedy had always been willing to see colleagues in the past and that his offer to see critics privately should stand.

But from that moment the situation fell away from Mr Kennedy. Every MP present who subsequently spoke, including Sir Menzies and Simon Hughes, the party President, agreed that parallel discussions between MPs and the Chief Whip must be held.

Although there was criticism of Mr Kennedy himself in the ensuing discussion, which those present described as tense but calm with no raised voices, its focus was entirely on the process of the talks that would now take place, which took on increasing significance.

Mr Kennedy listened to the debate, in which a succession of his colleagues insisted that the question of his leadership must be settled and not be allowed to drag on or reoccur at a future debate, but had not choice but to agree to his Chief Whip’s involvement. As he closed the discussion after about half an hour, those present were in no doubt of the significance of what had happened.

Mr Kennedy, as chairman of the meeting, proceeded with its formal agenda items, beginning with a discussion on the Government’s school reforms until the remaining business was concluded about an hour later.

But the minds of several of those present were by that time elsewhere, reflecting on a momentous meeting that threatened to take the lid off doubts and tensions with which they felt they had wrestled with for too long.

SUCCESS STORY

The number of Lib Dem MPs under Charles Kennedy:

1999 on becoming leader: 46

2001 election: 52

2005 election: 62

SHARE OF VOTE

1997 election (under Paddy Ashdown): 16.8%
2001 election: 18.3 %
2005 election: 22.1%

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