Peter Taylor
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Driving up west Belfast’s Divis Street last week, the scene of the fierce sectarian rioting that triggered the deployment of British troops 38 years ago, I noticed a gap in the murals that have adorned its walls for so many years, a visual barometer of the changing climate of the times.
I wondered if the creative talents of Sinn Fein’s art department were already preparing to fill the space with a fresh mural depicting the withdrawal of British forces. At midnight last Tuesday the army brought down the final curtain on the longest campaign in its history. There was no great ceremony, no Last Post, no rolling up of the Union Jack as in Aden 40 years earlier. The army slipped out of the province in carpet slippers.
Driving on up the Falls Road I passed the narrow streets around the Clon-ard monastery where Catholics had come under Protestant attack in that hot August of 1969. I remember talking to soldiers about their experiences when they first arrived to keep the two sides apart and prevent a feared Catholic pogrom. Many of the troops barely knew where Northern Ireland was or understood the bitter sectarian divisions that had flared into violent civil conflict in this far corner of the United Kingdom. They were welcomed like heroes. “I felt like a knight in shining armour,” one of them told me. “Tea and an endless supply of buns were the order of the day.”
Within months the honeymoon was over and tea and buns were replaced with rocks, petrol bombs and bullets. Soon the army became the enemy, as a result of a series of misjudgments and catastrophic errors, largely through ignorance and blind reliance on the unionist government at Stormont against whom the civil rights campaign had been initially directed.
A disastrous curfew was placed on the Falls Road, alienating the very people who had welcomed the soldiers with open arms. Internment was introduced in 1971, carried out by the army as young and old were dragged from their beds and carted off in the early hours of the morning.
To make matters worse, a handful of suspects were subjected to controversial interrogation techniques previously used by the army in colonial situations in Malaya, Kenya and Aden, including hooding, wall standing and exposure to an incessant high-pitched “white” noise. The techniques were subsequently deemed to be illegal. But worse was still to come.
On January 30, 1972, paratroopers shot dead 13 unarmed civil rights marchers in Londonderry on what became known as “Bloody Sunday”.
It was undoubtedly the darkest day in the army’s 38 years in the province, and in the eyes of many nationalists it completed the transformation of the troops from knights in shining armour to a murderous army of occupation.
In the bitter and bloody years that followed, army commanders emphasised the need to win “hearts and minds” in order to win the war, but the message fell on many deaf ears out on the ground as squaddies saw their mates shot, blown up and maimed by an ever more effective IRA.
No love was lost on either side. “Grab ’em by the balls and hearts and minds will follow” was a sentiment I heard from soldiers on the streets. “Chris” gave me a graphic description of what that meant after he had intercepted a gunman who had tried to kill him: “I did give him a good thumping. His genitals were black and blue for a while. I think I must have cracked a couple of his ribs. But that was the way you treat terrorists.”
Many of these early mistakes and abuses the army now recognises and puts down to a long and difficult learning process.
This is only one side of the story. The problem is that it’s the side on which Sinn Fein concentrates as it air-brushes the IRA’s own history. What about “Bloody Friday” in 1972, when IRA car bombs in Belfast killed nine? The Kingsmill massacre in 1976 when an IRA unit in south Armagh gunned down 10 Protestant workers returning home in a minibus? The La Mon restaurant bombing in 1978 when an IRA incendiary bomb killed 12 Protestants? Enniskillen in 1987 when an IRA bomb killed 11 Protestants during the Remembrance Day ceremony? And these are but a few.
I ended my drive up the Falls Road at the Whiterock community centre on the fringe of the once notorious Ballymurphy estate where soldiers used to patrol at their peril. I had come to take part in a BBC Radio Ulster Talk Back discussion on the final withdrawal of British troops. The new normality hits you between the eyes. Unarmed officers of the RUC’s replacement, the Police Service of Northern Ireland, stood at the door, smiling in the sunshine. Inside was Gerry Kelly, Old Bailey bomber from 1973 and Maze escapee 10 years later, sandwiched between two former British soldiers. All were chatting without animosity as they reminisced about the “war”.
Although republicans would vehemently deny it, the army did play its part in helping us to reach this year’s historic political settlement. At its most basic, the army prevented the IRA achieving its original goal of driving the “Brits” into the sea and reunifying Ireland. This was its agenda when Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams were part of the IRA delegation that met William Whitelaw, the Northern Ireland secretary, in 1972 for secret talks in London. Then there was no hint of compromise in the air.
The critical point in the army’s campaign were the years that followed the IRA hunger strike of 1981 when 10 prisoners died. Sinn Fein was on the political rise and the IRA had more arms than it could handle – 130 tons courtesy of Colonel Gadaffi of Libya. That was when the SAS and other undercover units made it clear that the Brits were not prepared to let the IRA win. In 1987 the SAS ambush at Loughgall wiped out eight members of one of the IRA’s most experienced units. I remember Sir Robert Andrew, permanent undersecretary at the Northern Ireland Office at the time, telling me of his satisfaction that “we had won one”.
The SAS killing of three members of another IRA unit in Gibraltar the following year drove home the message. Both operations were the result of vastly improved intelligence from penetration of the IRA. Overall the army’s special forces kept the IRA at bay, with the result that both sides privately accepted that there was a military stalemate. Such were the necessary conditions that preceded the long and tortuous peace process that culminated in the historic agreement at Stormont earlier this year.
What of the cost? More than 3,500 people lost their lives in the conflict and Britain put civil liberties on hold in the name of defeating terrorism. All sides suffered horrendously before peace finally came.
What of the lessons? It’s easy to say they have been learnt and applied in the very different theatres where the army is now involved: Iraq and Afghanistan. But Basra is not Belfast. Initially the army patrolled its dusty streets without helmets but these were soon put back on again as the local militias turned against them, their support boosted by allegations of abuses by the army during interrogation and elsewhere.
It seems like déjà vu: soldiers don’t make good policemen. In Afghanistan it’s difficult for soldiers to win hearts and minds when they’re trying to eradicate the heroin poppies from which local farmers and their families make their living. In fighting terrorism and political violence, “hearts and minds” needs to be more than a well meaning slogan, not least when it comes to countering Islamist extrem-ism on the streets of Britain.
The government knows that gaining the support of communities, be they nationalists in Northern Ireland or Muslims in Britain, is the key to countering terrorism and isolating the enemy, real and potential. But as the army’s 38 years in Northern Ireland have shown, it’s easier said than done.
Peter Taylor has reported the Irish conflict for 35 years for ITV and the BBC and is the author of Provos, Loyalists and Brits
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peter your so naive, the ira have always espoused a republic of ireland and their view has never changed.
i was there in august 1969 in brown square, at the bottom of the falls road and the first people to bring the gun in was the ira, they took violence to a new level then and they never looked back. they hijacked the civil rights movement and converted it into repubicanism which most roman catholics never wanted let alone people south of the border.
james morrell, doncaster, england
Paul London,
I was born in Doire (Gaelic for ((London))Derry) and I most certainly do not condsider myself to be British. I am Irish and was born on the island of Ireland a part of which is occupied by Britian. Saying things like "the Northern Irish people, British every last one" shows you do not understand the complex history of this country nor does such language help the present situation. My history on this island goes back a lot further than the 400 years since the Ulster plantation when Catholic lands were confiscated and handed over to the lackeys of the crown.
My point is this; neither side won and the language you use implies the British army were victorious. We need to move beyond such idiotic, simplicities as us/them - the root of so much trouble in this land and around the world. The people of Northern Ireland have a divided history but a shared destiny.
The deaths of 3,500 people were not only caused by the IRA and we all must realise that violence is not the answer.
Jason O Murchu, Corcaigh,
Paul of London - claiming a victory when your government has operated a dedicated policy of concession and bartering to achieve peace demonstrates only how naive your comments are. I am a Belfast native and grew up throughout the Troubles. I do not consider myself British and hold a full & valid Irish passport. I also support peace and still believe in the right of the Irish people, as a whole, to self-determination. The one thing that I and many like me are very happy with is the legitimisation of politics and our right to pursue them. I want a united Ireland and I want to be able to pursue that democratically and without the spectre of militarism hanging over my ideals. Economic depravation and direct rule from London left us to stagnate in a conflict perpetuated by those interested in maintaining the status quo. I look forward to a peaceful future and am happy in the knowledge that the mechanisms are in place to allow the creation of a united Ireland should the people here wish it
Emmett, Belfast,
Why do Americans with Irish-sounding names make asinine comments on issues they have no understanding of?
Bob, Belfast,
TO GERALD O'HARE USA:
-i lived through the entire toubles in NI - living in Belfast as still do.
it saddens me that in 2007 after all of worldwide mistakes that american's have made in history that they still think they know best.
-im guessing that Mr O'hare popped over to visit a tiny part of nationalist west belfast for a very short time and INSTANTLY knew it all - problems and solutions.
**the way he describes the soldiers is how we see american soldiers now in iraq.
-mr o'hare must remember that the finanical backers of terrorists have blood on their hands forever. those americans who gave money to NORAID have blood on their hands.
-mr o'hare must also remember that NI is still part of the UK, still run by protestant controlled Stormont, and the vast majority still vote for pro-unionist parties.
-the IRA seem to have spilt into two groups, drug dealing thugs and politicans. its the Nationalist cause that has lost, mr o'hare.
hugh harte, belfast, ulster
Hi Gerald,
If we lost, why are we still there?
Why will 5,000 British troops remain in Northern Ireland indefinitely?
Why does every law passed by the Northern Ireland Assembly have to be given Royal Assent and be signed into law by the British Monarch?
Why have the people of the South voted overwhelmingly to remove the territorial claim to Northern Ireland from their constitution?
Gerald you just have to accept that Martin McGuinniss and his Sinn Fein colleagues are now "Ministers of the British Crown" and subjects of that same Crown.
And the winners out of all this? They're the Northern Irish people, British every last one, along with the people of the mainland of Britain and the South of Ireland, who no longer have to put up with the IRA (or the supposed "Loyalist") terrorists trying to bomb and shoot them.
As a result of this the British Armed Forces ("Forces of the Crown" if you prefer) can concentrate along with the US Armed Forces in fighting Al Qaeda and its ilk.
Paul, London, UK
How on Earth do you work that one out? Let me give you some quotes from the IRA's General Army Orders.
"No member of the IRA may be a member of a political party which recognises the partition institutions of government as sovereign authorities for the Irish people."
"A Volunteer shall not swear or pledge himself/herself in any way to refrain from using arms or other methods of struggle to overthrown British rule in Ireland." "Participation in Stormont or Westminster and in any other subservient parliament, if any, is strictly prohibited."
"The IRA willâ¦support the establishment of, and uphold, a lawful government in sole and absolute control of the Republic (of all Ireland)."
Sounds like a big u-turn on their behalf to me as Sinn Fein are sitting in Stormont as a UK administration and support the police and courts of law and British army is now normalised meaning operation banner is finished and those troops have left leaving a normal peace time troop level of 5000 men in Ulster.
Alan, Ulster,
The headline bears no relation to this article.
Mike, Kuala Lumpur,
Gerald,
"The British lost and that is a fact."
Funny, I don't see a united Ireland or anything else that the IRA murdered in the name of. Some victory.
Still, nice to know our American "friends" are still on the side of the terrorists, when it suits them.
Steve, Lincoln,
Dear Mr O'Hare, the people of Northern Ireland ARE British. How did they lose? The people of Northern Ireland can now live in peace to as great an extent as the bigoted will allow. Surely that is a victory for the ordinary people?
Jeremy Gunner, Lincoln, UK
The Brits have learned nothing or at least they won't admit to their misbehavior and mistakes in the Six counties. Of course 'shoot to kill' is not a term that is used by the Brits or British newspapers. As a visitor to Belfast so many years ago I remember how scared the Brit squaddies appeared to be. Little children taunted them openly in the streets and nobody seemed to fear the British army. Police stations looked like Fort Apache in the old American West, the RA controlled the night and during the day children threw stones at the Brits. To quote a British writer, " Oh what fools these mortals be!" Now people sing, "Go on home British soldier, go on home..." The British lost and that is a fact.
Gerald O'Hare, Woodbury , NJ, USA
Having read many of Peter Taylor's writings, I had always appreciated his usually even handed reporting of events. This piece seems a bit skewed and is a bit surprising. To say that only the IRA were responsible for murderous attacks is a bit short sighted. I will not say they didn't do terrible things, but he neglects the numerous attacks and deaths (and if memory serves me right, more Catholics died than Protestants or soldiers combined in the conflict) perpetrated by the Protestant paramilitary groups. Yes, I know they were in response to the long-standing IRA, but Protestant factions are not without blame for the presence of the military as well.
All that aside, their departure is a wonderful event for whatever reason to have a level of peace in the North that allows, no, requires the absence of the military. I will soon be a citizen of this lovely country and the peaceful situation has made it easier. Hopefully peace will continue to grow without blame laying for past events.
Mary Kennedy, Guymon, , Oklahoma, USA
And you didn't believe 14 Company had a party after the IRA unsuccessfully tried to ambush one of them leaving three dead?
I saw in one your documentaries a 14 Int women saying they went over the 'card' rules every time they went out. In four different Int units I worked in it was never discussed once! :-)
fnu snu, Gen., Switz.
The UK was fighting terrorist organisations inside its own country â N. Ireland. It seems a number of misguided Americans cant grasp this fact. Sinn Fein represented the IRA dictate that they would never take part in governing N. Ireland unless & until it formed part of a united Ireland, yet theyâve capitulated & now peace has returned to this part of the UK. UK soldiers were sent to N. Ireland to try to keep the peace & protect all of its citizens. The IRA & Loyalists decided they were fighting a war against each other & in the case of the IRA against Britain as well. Our soldiers were fighting crime not a war & had to abide by the rule of law â the terrorists didnât. Each group carried out their murderous campaigns in furtherance of their political & ideological beliefs. Probably, most right thinking people thought it bazaar our government granted prisoner of war status to IRA & Loyalist terrorists during their activity. The conflict is now over & N. Ireland is still ruled by the UK
Lynda Plum, London, england
Gerald O'Hare - I look forward to your reaction to people celebrating the "victory" of Al-Qaeda and their great military victory that was 9/11. Grow up, recognise terrorism for what it is and take pride in the fact that one of your country's greatest allies was able to prevent a terrorist victory in its own doorstep and reach a negotiated settlement. If you are a democrat, then you will reject terrorism and welcome the democratic will of the people. Otherwise Americans will seem to be pretty hypocritical.
Rob, Belfast,
An army of occupation, that murderes it's own innocent citizens is a disgrace. Shame on the UK and the nefarious politicians that supported the neanderthals in unionism.
On the bright side, PeterTaylor is one of the few English men, that tries to be fair and impartial.
Jim Lynch, Staten Island N Y, U.S.A.
There's one dimension missing from this article: what about Loyalist paramilitary violence? The British Army was originally deployed onto NI streets to protect Catholic civilians from the likes of the Shankill Butchers and similar operatives of organisations like the UDA and UVF. In all the rhetoric about the British Army fighting terrorism, the only terrorists every mentioned are the IRA. They weren't the only players on the scene.
Also in making comparison with Iraq, Aghanistan etc your correspondent makes the mistake of viewing NI as a separate, somehow non-British place. Northern Ireland is part of the UK (whether some wanted it to be or not) and NI people paid the wages of deployed British soldiers with their taxes. As such, the Army had a duty of care to them as fellow citizens but they often neglected that duty of care. That is not the same as the Army invading a foreign country like Iraq: NI people were treated as foreigners but please remember that they were not.
MB, Edinburgh,
As a NI native and , once ardent Reoublican a one paragraph mention of an incident in Derry city changed my outlook. A Catholic child had fallen into the River Foyle. One soldier threw off his boots and weaponery while his armed companion covered him, and rescued the child.
It was then I realised that they were there for another purpose than the IRA propaganda would have me believe. It took the IRA a little longer, that's all
TOM MCPARLAND, LONDON, UK
At the beginning of the article, Peter Taylor talks about a gap in the murals on the Falls Road and asks, "if the creative talents of Sinn Feinâs art department were already preparing to fill the space with a fresh mural depicting the withdrawal of British forces". The replacement mural is actually going to be a recreation of the Salvador Dali painting "Guenica". It should be in place within a number of weeks, and will add to what is known as the "International Wall"
Steven Corr, Belfast, Ireland