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Rarely has so much been expected of a leader with so little time to achieve it. In the coming days the new President, also known as Abu Mazen, must resume negotiations with Israel, begin a series of reforms in the Palestinian Authority and silence the guns of Palestinian hardliners.
There will be encouragement from around the world, hopes among Palestinians and Israelis that he will succeed, but also apprehension throughout the Middle East that a chance for peace will go the way of other initiatives, wrecked by a new cycle of violence.
“The elections give Abu Mazen legitimacy but not authority,” Dennis Ross, the former US envoy to the region, said. “The Palestinians crave an end to lawlessness and a return to normality. If he can show he is doing something about corruption, the rule of law and freedom of movement, he will then have authority.”
While praising Yassir Arafat during the election campaign, Mr Abbas will now have to unpick much of his predecessor’s legacy. Top of the list will be resuming meaningful dialogue with Israel and persuading the newly formed national unity Government, led by Ariel Sharon, that they can work together.
Mr Abbas will concentrate on winning concessions that make a qualitative difference to the lives of Palestinians. That means allowing freedom of movement in the Palestinian territories, where communities are cut off by the Israeli military, and securing the release of some of the several thousand Palestinian detainees. It will mean reviving the economy and allowing a semblance of normal life to return after more than four years of conflict.
In return Mr Abbas must prove that he will take his responsibilities seriously. That means sacking corrupt former Arafat cronies and stripping power from warlords, who control much of society in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
He must also implement urgent reforms to the security apparatus, replacing the dozen competing security organisations with three departments whose officers are loyal to the state, publicly accountable and led by respected commanders.
While these internal reforms are under way, Mr Abbas will have to take on arguably his biggest challenge: silencing the guns of the militant groups, either by persuasion or force.
Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the main rejectionist groups, boycotted the polls yesterday and have shown no willingness to abandon the armed struggle. Their suicide bombers are ready and trained. If one or two make it on to an Israeli bus all the dreams of a better future could go up in smoke.
Mr Sharon appears willing to meet and encourage his counterpart but he, too, has political pressures from hardliners in Israel vehemently opposed to his unilateral withdrawal plan from Gaza, scheduled to begin in just over six months.
If Mr Abbas is unable to prevent further attacks on Israelis then inevitable comparisons will be made between the new Palestinian Authority and the chaotic one led by Mr Arafat.
Outside players can help to avoid that. The Bush Administration is finally serious about peacemaking in the Middle East, but there is unlikely to be any action until Condoleezza Rice, the newly appointed US Secretary of State, takes up her post this month.
Britain may play a supporting role by hosting a conference in London in March to help the Palestinian reform process. Although stretched by donations to the tsunami disaster, the international community can also make a difference by committing funds to the Palestinian Authority to help it to rebuild its infrastructure and to revive its economy. One proposal being suggested is for the Gulf states, currently enjoying a huge cash surplus because of the high price of oil, to give $1 billion (£535 million) in development aid.
Even with all the help in the world, the odds against Mr Abbas are high. Some have written off his leadership, insisting that the challenges are too great. Others will want to see this experiment in democracy and peacemaking fail. Some may be ready to take his life.
All this and Palestine’s new leader has not even arrived for his first day at work.
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