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But after two decades in power, during which he has allowed his army to loot and pillage neighbouring Congo and has become an increasingly autocratic and repressive ruler, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda is no longer the West’s darling. It now views him as a hindrance to democracy.
As he stands for re-election this week, much of the magic has gone from his country, too. Museveni once said no African leader should hold power for longer than 10 years. After he changed the constitution last July to allow himself to stand for a third time as president — paying MPs more than £1,150 to do so — western diplomats say Museveni is suffering from delusions of grandeur.
He shows signs of wanting to cling to power indefinitely, drawn into the same trap as other African leaders eager to carve their name in history.
As one diplomat in Kampala put it last week: “In a few clumsy moves Museveni has polarised the country and raised fear in people’s hearts about how stable Uganda is.”
In the streets of the steamy capital, lifelike effigies of the 62-year-old former guerrilla leader are paraded around by supporters seeking votes.
Apart from a shooting incident on Wednesday when a reserve soldier panicked when challenged by a crowd, opening fire and killing several people, campaigning has been largely peaceful. Thursday’s polling is expected to be reasonably open and heavily monitored by Ugandan and international officials.
But few doubt this will change if Museveni feels he may lose. “The ruling party is playing a dirty game of intimidating the electorate and undermining the opposition,” said Jemera Rone, east Africa co-ordinator for Human Rights Watch.
Museveni’s chief rival is Dr Kissa Besigye, formerly his personal physician and runner-up in elections in 2001. Besigye was with Museveni’s soldiers who entered Kampala to end a legacy of killings and state-inspired violence 20 years ago.
But he became disillusioned with Museveni’s tightening grip on power and increasingly corrupt rule, which has seen members of the president’s family and associates making millions from looting the Congo.
Besigye’s big hope is that the electorate will not give Museveni an outright majority on Thursday, so forcing a second round, which he believes he can win.
“There are many educated Ugandans who traditionally have voted for Museveni, not because they like him but because it was the safer option and in a second round they will say, ‘Let’s see if we can turn him out at the ballot box’,” a diplomat said.
There is no love lost between Museveni and Besigye. For one thing Besigye is married to a former mistress of the president, who has threatened to disclose Museveni’s marital shortcomings unless he reins in the men maligning her husband.
Besigye returned to Uganda last October after four years in exile, but was quickly arrested and charged with treason, terrorism, rape and unlawful possession of firearms. Released on bail he has so far been able to stand for president despite continuing legal challenges.
For the West, Uganda is part of a wider concern that African leaders it has backed with substantial aid are falling short of the democratic ideal. In December Britain cut £15m in aid and froze another £5m because of Besigye’s arrest. The World Bank believes graft costs Uganda £172m a year.
Tough times lie ahead regardless of who wins. Uganda is embroiled in a bush war in the north that has made 2m people homeless. It also has been ordered by the international court of justice in the Hague to pay up to $10 billion (£5.74 billion) in reparations to Congo.
The West, including Britain, is ready to congratulate Museveni if he wins the election credibly on Thursday. “But we will tell him in no uncertain terms, ‘Don’t even think of another term’,” said one diplomat.
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