Exiled Tibetan leaders began an unprecedented week-long conference today to discuss whether to stick to the Dalai Lama's non-violent quest for autonomy within China or re-launch a drive for outright independence.

More than 600 Tibetans from around the world are attending the meeting in Dharamsala, the north Indian hill station where the Dalai Lama set up his government-in-exile after fleeing Tibet in 1959.

The Dalai Lama called the meeting last month after stunning his followers by saying he had “given up" on his attempts, launched 20 years ago, to negotiate a “middle way" with China by asking for autonomy within its borders.

He said he wanted an open discussion about the future of the Tibetan movement in the light of the violent anti-China protests and riots that erupted across Tibet in March and the uncompromising Chinese response.

The only issue not up for negotiation is his policy of non-violence, according to his aides.

“I don't know what will happen," the Dalai Lama said earlier this month, as the latest round of talks between his envoys and Chinese officials ended in failure.

“Their minds should be open to explore all different options."

Insiders say the debate will reflect the growing frustration and tension within the exiled Tibetan community, which numbers about 200,000 and is mostly based in India and Nepal, with a small number in North America and Europe.

The government-in-exile, older Tibetans and new arrivals from Tibet tend to be more conservative and pragmatic and to defer to the Dalai Lama, traditionally Tibet's political and religious leader.

However, younger Tibetans born in exile are increasingly drawn to radical groups such as the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), which advocates independence and reserves the right to use violence.

They were especially frustrated by the Dalai Lama's refusal to call for a boycott of the Beijing Olympics or to endorse the anti-Chinese riots.

Tsewang Rigzin, 37, the president of the Tibetan Youth Congress, who was born in India and lived for 15 years in the United States, said: “We have nothing to lose. If you look at all the history of the world, all the nations that won independence started out with one united goal. We don't have that.

“Once we have it, we can talk about how to get there."

He declined to give details of the proposals he will make at the meeting, but some Tibetan radicals have suggested using more aggressive tactics such as attacking Chinese infrastructure within Tibet.

The Tibetan Youth Congress has about 30,000 Tibetan members. Other groups, such as Students For A Free Tibet, which also boasts 30,000 Tibetan and foreign members, want to resume the independence struggle, but without using violence.

Support for the pro-independence lobby appears to have grown over the past decade, and especially since this year's violence in Tibet, but it is unclear by how much, as no professional polling has been done.

The pro-independence lobby is also likely to be in a minority at the meeting as more than half the attendees are officials from the government-in-exile, which is wary of renouncing the “middle way” without a viable alternative.

Robbie Barnett, a Tibet expert at Columbia University in New York, said: “They are under huge pressure, as they see the pro-independence people as having no strategy and no sense of realism. They're accused of protecting their own interests, but they have a fair argument.”

The conference will also be attended by former ministers, current and former members of the parliament-in-exile, NGOs, monks, and representatives of the Tibetan diaspora.

They will be divided into 15 groups, each of which will discuss the future of the Tibetan movement before pooling their thoughts and issuing a resolution on Saturday.

The resolution is non-binding, but will be closely watched by China and is expected to set the tone for the Tibetan movement over the next few years.

Participants say they do not expect to make a clear choice between the “middle way” or independence, although they could decide to hold a referendum on the question.

The most likely outcome, however, is a statement of support for the Dalai Lama, to counter China's efforts to portray him as a hardline separatist who does not represent the Tibetan majority.

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