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THE prospects for tough, swift action against North Korea were scuppered yesterday when it became clear that South Korea will not abandon its policy of engagement with its totalitarian neighbour, in spite of North Korea’s claimed nuclear test.
As the US and Japan called for tough punishment for Monday’s test and experts predicted that a second may be imminent, leaders in Seoul appeared to have accepted that they will have to live with a nuclear North Korea — at least until Washington can be persuaded to engage in direct talks with the isolated Stalinist state.
“Let’s face the reality: North Korea is a nuclear power and it won’t be easy to change that,” said Moon Chung In, a professor of political science who is also an ambassador at large for the South Korean Government. “We could have prevented it, but the US would not. Now we’ve got to learn how to live with it.”
Chinese foreign officials in Beijing spoke of the “negative impact” the test had had on their relations with North Korea, an unprecedented shift. But in New York, where the diplomatic aftershocks of the test are being negotiated, profound differences among the five veto-wielding members of the UN Security Council were becoming ever more apparent.
China’s Ambassador to the UN, Wang Guangya, said that it supported punitive actions. But he said that these must be “constructive, appropriate but prudent”. And China balked at the idea of giving any UN resolution teeth, a sign that it would not tolerate anything that would destabilise the region by toppling the North Korean Government.
Diplomats said last night that China opposed US plans for international inspections of all cargo going in an out of North Korea. Beijing also wants any sanctions focussed only on North Korea’s nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes, and does not want any reference to enforcement under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Russia broadly endorsed the Chinese position.
Even before this week, the US and Japan have favoured the most aggressive action against North Korea, but they have been frustrated by China, South Korea and Russia, which seek a stable continuation of Kim Jong Il’s regime rather than the chaos and refugee exodus that could result from his overthrow.
The US appears to have recognised this. Yesterday its UN Ambassador, John Bolton, circulated a draft resolution that would deprive Kim Jong Il of the French brandy he favours, but not introduce the interception of North Korean ships.
The draft proposes banning all sales of arms and nuclear technology to and from North Korea as well as involvement with Mr Kim’s money-launderers, drug smugglers and counterfeiters. It also bans the sale of “luxury items” — clearly directed at Mr Kim.
“We’re not at that point (a maritime blockade) yet,” Mr Bolton said. “We keep the military option on the table because North Korea needs to know that, but President Bush has been very clear he wants this resolved peacefully and diplomatically.”
But a shipping blockade could work only with the co-operation of the South’s military, and it is clear that that will not be granted by the Government of President Roh Moo Hyun. Rather than the urgent action spoken of by the US and Japan, Mr Roh speaks of an extended period of “co-ordination” intended to build a consensus among the nations trying to bring Pyongyang to the negotiating table.
Seoul suspended its humanitarian aid to the North after its test launching of ballistic missiles in July. Yesterday a government source signalled that Seoul would not take one of the few steps remaining — suspension of joint projects.
Song Young Sun, a South Korean opposition MP, predicted that a second nuclear test would follow: “When India and Pakistan carried out their first nuclear tests, a second one followed after two days. I assume North Korea will do the same by the end of the week.”
Richard Lloyd Parry’s Seoul weblog
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