Mark Franchetti, Moscow
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DOZENS of opponents of Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, were arrested yesterday as they tried to stage an antiKremlin demonstration that was broken up by riot police wielding batons.
Clashes broke out as hundreds of policemen prevented the protesters, who accuse Putin of rolling back democracy and returning to Soviet-style authoritarianism, from gathering in Nizhni Novgorod, Russia’s third-largest city.
Many of those detained were taken off trains as they travelled to the city and even journalists covering the demonstration were arrested. According to unconfirmed reports, two of the protest organisers were accused of distributing a terrorism manual that their colleagues said did not even exist. If so, the two could be tried on terrorism charges and face a lengthy jail sentence.
“It’s shocking that the authorities would go to such lengths and expense to stop people from voicing their opinions,” said Denis Bilunov, one of the protesters and a close aide of Garry Kasparov, the former chess champion who has become one of Putin’s fiercest critics.
“As far as I know, all the organisers have been arrested. The Kremlin calls this a democracy.”
Yesterday’s crackdown, in which several protesters were said to have been beaten by police, is part of a Kremlin campaign to crush opposition to Putin’s rule and to ensure that the candidate he chooses as his successor wins next year’s presidential election. The Russian constitution bars him from serving more than two terms.
During Putin’s seven years in power, the Kremlin has brought all national television channels and most newspapers under its control. Opposition figures have been jailed, driven into exile, threatened and in some cases — never proven to be linked to the Kremlin — gunned down.
Genuine opposition in Russia’s next parliament will be further neutered after the supreme court announced last week that it had closed down the small Republican party for having too few members.
Censorship is so strict that TV journalists are provided with unofficial lists of politicians they are not allowed to mention in reports. “We have long been told that as far as we are concerned, those on the list don’t exist in Russia,” said a TV reporter.
News bulletins paint Putin and his policies in glowing terms — a practice reminiscent of Sovi-et-era propaganda. Parliament, a source of fierce opposition under Boris Yeltsin’s rule, is now a rubber-stamp assembly.
The two main parties that dominate both houses, United Russia and A Just Russia, are fervently pro-Kremlin and are headed by close allies of the president.
In a move widely condemned as antidemocratic, Putin has abolished regional elections and now has the power to nominate and sack governors. Officially the president’s candidates need approval from local legislatures but the procedure is a formality.
“The average voter is neither expected nor able to influence policy in the slightest,” wrote Vladimir Ryzhkov, an independent member of parliament whose Republican party was banned last week. “The voter’s only function is to confer a sort of legitimacy on the authorities by voting in rigged elections.”
The Kremlin denies it is back-tracking on democracy and says elections are free and fair. But it makes no secret of its wish to end the splintered party system that plagued Russia in the 1990s.
Putin has recently taken further steps to ensure the outcomes of parliamentary elections in December and the presidential poll in March 2008 are the ones he wants.
Small political parties seeking to stand find the barriers all but insurmountable. Even Yabloko, the country’s best known opposition party, was struck off the ballot in local elections in St Petersburg earlier this year.
A protest vote is no longer possible since the Kremlin recently had the option of “against all” taken off ballots. Nor are demonstrations tolerated. Yesterday’s march was one of many banned or broken up by the authorities.
About 100 protesters were detained earlier this year when members of Other Russia, a coalition of small opposition groups led by Kasparov, demonstrated in St Petersburg.
Kasparov told reporters last week he feared for his safety in Russia. He has moved his family to New York and employs bodyguards. He also tries to avoid flying on Aeroflot, the state airline.
“There is a risk of becoming a victim and I have to reduce the chances,” said Kasparov. “But I take it as part of my moral duty that I am carrying on.”
Other opposition figures have given up. Last week Sergei Gla-zyev, a former presidential candidate, announced he was leaving politics as Putin now wielded more power than the tsars. “Policy in this country is determined by one man,” he said.
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Having worked in russia for a number of years during both the Yeltsin and Putin eras, I am greatly saddenned to see the return of the "old ways" ... that being : lists of people who do not exist interviews for the newspapers and beatings of protestors. Mind you, I did not vote for Bush or his war and I do not think he or the USA is perfect but I had hoped for better for the Russian people. I am revolted that after all the food and monetary aid given, that the russian government has gone two steps backward against democracy. half of me is not surprised at the lack of large protest recalling what it takes in the russian mentality in history to actually rise up for revolution .these people accept a lot before getting irritated to that level but i did hope they would evolve. What can you expect when nary a protest is raised by the people at the idea of a rubber stamp legislature and the loss of their rights to elect governors in the regions. maybe they tired of the Yeltsin era no food day
bob clark, springfield, VA
The Russians believe that he is doing things with the best interests of Russia in mind. The near anarchy that followed the reforms of the '90's and the victimization of the Russian people by the Russian mafia that was rampant is subsiding. Jobs are paying much better and there are more of them, the standard of living is improving dramaticaly. Unfortunately the Russians were not able to cope well with their newfound freedoms after nearly a century of communism, so a tightening of those freedoms has occured. As the country is better able to cope with its freedom, a more Western version of democracy will eventually follow.
John, Indianapolis, Indiana
But didn't President Bush say of Putin "I was able to get a sense of his soul, a man deeply committed to his country and the best interests of his country."
shay, boston, ma/usa
A monopoly on power only serves to diminish the national and international standing of Vladimir Putin.
Nicolas, London,