Martin Fletcher, and Suna Erdem in Ankara
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Hayrunisa Gul offers The Times tea and Turkish delicacies, smiles constantly, laughs readily and talks enthusiastically about her children, her garden, helping the disabled – about almost anything, in fact, except the deeply controversial strip of floral-patterned silk that covers her head.
It is hard to believe that this lively and likeable woman is at the heart of the political storm that has torn Turkey apart in the past month, pitting the military against the Government, deepening the chasm between the pious and the secular, bringing a million demonstrators on to the streets and triggering an early general election to determine who really governs the country.
Mrs Gul, 42, is the wife of Abdullah Gul, the Turkish Foreign Minister, who was nominated for president by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister and leader of the mildly Islamic AK party. Turkey’s “secular Establishment” – the military, judiciary, bureaucracy, outgoing President and various opposition parties – was appalled. It fears that if the AK party controls the presidency as well as the Government and parliament it will sweep aside the strict secularism of Kemal Atatürk, the founder of modern Turkey, and implement a radical Islamic agenda.
As proof of that hidden agenda, and exhibit No 1, it points to Mrs Gul’s Islamic headscarf. To hardline Turkish secularists this is not a pretty silk cloth but a huge red rag, and the idea of her wearing it at official functions in the presidential palace is unthinkable. The military, which considers itself the guardian of Turkish secularism and has overthrown four previous governments, threatened to intervene again.
Opposition parties boycotted the parliamentary vote on Mr Gul’s nomination, then complained to the constitutional court – itself part of the secular Establishment – that the vote was inquorate. The court agreed, even though more MPs voted for Mr Gul than for Turkey’s three most recent presidents. No previous prime minister had dared to defy the generals, but Mr Erdogan declared that the military was answerable to the Government, not vice-versa. He called a snap election for July 22, and is battling to change the constitution so that the president is also elected by popular vote.
This turmoil is engulfing a country of 70 million people that is supposed to be a bridge between East and West, proof that democracy and Islam can coexist and a future member of the European Union.
Mrs Gul, speaking in the Foreign Minister’s palatial residence overlooking Ankara, appeared bemused by the controversy swirling round her. If she has a hidden agenda, “I’m still looking for it,” she joked in her first proper interview with a foreign newspaper. Of her headscarf she would say only: “It saddens me to face prejudice on an issue which I see as completely my personal preference.”
As the Foreign Minister’s wife she had travelled to more than 50 countries and played host to thousands of foreign guests without any problems, she added. In a dig at Turkey’s secular Establishment, she said that her husband’s reforming Government was seeking to create a “world-class democracy within which everyone can live in their own style”, and continued: “We should use our energy in the right way. We have a lot of work to do.”
Mrs Gul is unquestionably devout. She prays five times a day and took Turkey to the European Court of Human Rights after she was barred from attending university because of her headscarf. But she comes across not as a fully paid up member of the Taleban, but as a modern, Western-minded woman who practises a very tolerant form of Islam.
She was happy talking and shaking hands with a male reporter. Her oldest son works for Merrill Lynch in London, her daughter trained as an industrial engineer and as an apprentice with Rolls-Royce in Britain and her youngest son spent two terms at school in New York. Not all her female entourage wear headscarves, and she sought to discourage her daughter from wearing one so that she could go to university.
Mrs Gul also believes strongly in gender equality. If her husband became president, she said, she would work to promote the education of Turkish women and make them more aware of their political and legal rights.
Foreign diplomats say that the battle over the presidency is in part a simple power struggle, with the secular Establishment fighting to retain its last bastion. The president can veto legislation, heads the Armed Forces and appoints top judges, generals and university chancellors. But, they say, the battle also reflects a very deep and real fear among Turkey’s predominantly metropolitan secular elite that Islamic radicals want to turn Turkey into another Iran.
Except for an aborted attempt to outlaw adultery the AK party has refrained conspicuously from pursuing an Islamist agenda since taking power in 2002, focusing instead on the social and economic reforms required for EU membership. The so-called “white Turks” of Istanbul and Ankara still feel threatened, however.
In recent decades they have witnessed a huge influx of pious, conservative and increasingly assertive countrymen from rural areas, and consider the headscarf the harbinger of an Islamic fundamentalism that will destroy their relaxed Western lifestyles.
At Atatürk’s mausoleum in Ankara The Times witnessed the secularists’ paranoia first hand. A group of middle-class matrons, pointed at head-scarved women climbing the steps to the great man’s tomb.
“Cockroaches,” said one. “They are dirtying the place with their feet,” said another. “Atatürk’s bones would be aching right now,” said a third. They claimed that the AK Government was “in league with the Arabs” and planning secretly to introduce Sharia. “With this Government anything is possible. Behind their smiling faces they are monsters.”
At a time of rising Islamic fundamentalism around the world they cannot understand the West’s failure to see the danger, and the EU’s lack of enthusiasm for Turkish membership merely fuels their sense of abandonment.
If Mrs Gul’s interview showed her moderation, her husband used a separate interview with The Times to play down the embarrassment of a military intervention that gave further ammunition to those EU members – France, Germany and Austria – most hostile to Turkish membership.
He was saddened by the events of the past month, he said, and felt they had given the world a misleading impression of today’s Turkey. But he said that the military was entitled to express its concern, and blamed opposition MPs for creating the crisis by boycotting the vote and taking the matter to the constitutional court. “It’s a political issue rather than a military issue,” he said. “If the opposition parties were present in the assembly there would not be any problem.”
He said that the Government had restored order by accepting the court’s ruling, calling an election and seeking to have the president elected by popular vote. “Recently there was a turbulence but now it is over. Democracy is working,” he insisted. “We have damage control.”
Mr Gul, 57, who has led Turkey’s application for EU membership and spent two years in Britain as a student, ridiculed the idea that his party had a hidden Islamic agenda. If that were the case, why had it spent the past four years reforming and modernising the country, he asked. “Why should we push so hard for Turkey to enter the EU?” He supported secularism, he insisted, but challenged the state’s right to curtail such basic human freedoms as wearing a headscarf.
Mr Gul even suggested that the AK Party was Atatürk’s true heir. When he founded the modern republic in 1923 Atatürk embraced secularism because he considered religion an obstacle to progress. His goal was to modernise Turkey and unite it with Europe. “We have been doing this,” said Mr Gul. “We are fulfilling the target Atatürk showed us.”
Turbulent days
April 24 Abdullah Gul, a former member of an Islamist party, is nominated by majority AKP party for presidency, effectively assuring his victory
April 27 Military says it is “absolute defender of secularism”; opposition boycotts a parliamentary vote on the presidency
April 29 Hundreds of thousands rally in Istanbul, with banners reading “Sharia [Islamic law] shall not rise to the Presidential Palace.”
May 6 Mr Gul withdraws his candidacy, after a second parliamentary vote that failed to get the required majority
Source: Times archives
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