Who is standing against Putin's anointed successor Dmitry Medvedev?

Three candidates cruelly, but accurately, dismissed by political analysts in Russia as a has-been, a clown and a nobody.

Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov, 63, has run and lost twice and is not expected to gain more than 15 per cent of the vote, mainly from people nostalgic for the Soviet Union.

Vladimir Zhirinovsky, 61, is a firebrand anti-Western nationalist who has been involved in fist-fights during television debates and in the Duma, Russia's Parliament. His rhetoric and brash antics amuse and appal Russians in equal measure.

Andrei Bogdanov, 38, is virtually unknown and qualified as a candidate by collecting 2 million signatures from voters. Since his Democratic Party only gained 90,000 votes in December's parliamentary election, many suspect that the Kremlin has put him on the ballot to ensure that there were at least two candidates, in compliance with Russian law, if others decided to boycott the vote in protest.

Bogdanov's former role as a public relations adviser to the pro-Kremlin United Russia party, which backs Dmitri Medvedev, has only strengthened these suspicions, though he has dismissed the accusation as a "fantasy".

What size of victory is expected and is there any chance of an upset?

Rumours have been circulating for some time that the Kremlin is keen to ensure that Medvedev gets about 65 per cent of the vote so that he can claim a popular mandate for continuing to implement "Putin's Plan". I have only slightly less chance of being President of Russia than any of the other candidates - and I'm ineligible to stand.

Does it matter to Medvedev if turnout is low?

Yes, because it will cast a shadow over his legitimacy and give encouragement to those within the Kremlin who opposed him as Putin's successor. But turnout is unlikely to be low - many Russians will willingly endorse Medvedev because he is Putin's chosen candidate and they have been told that Putin will stay on as Prime Minister under a Medvedev presidency.

There is evidence, too, that local administrations are putting pressure on state employees such as teachers and hospital staff, as well as workers in many private companies, to turn out to vote. Sadly, rumours are also rife that there will be ballot-stuffing in areas with low genuine turnouts to ensure that they fulfil the Kremlin's wishes.

How much do Russians know about Medvedev?

State television and newspapers close to the Kremlin have been lavishing coverage on Medvedev since Putin chose him as his successor in December. His origins as a young lawyer in St Petersburg and the story of his childhood romance with his wife have been endlessly covered in saccharine detail. Most Russians are content to know, however, that Putin considers him the right man - they recall, also, that they knew very little about Putin when he emerged in 1999 as Boris Yeltsin's successor.

Is he a popular figure?

Only as a reflection of Putin's popularity. He is a rather colourless character who does not project well on television and appears rather uncomfortable at being thrust into the sudden glare of publicity after years as a backroom administrator. People are waiting to see what sort of President Medvedev turns out to be. They are not ill-disposed towards him, it is just that many have no real idea what he thinks or who he really is.

How has the Russian media covered the election?

Slavishly. There has been saturation coverage of Medvedev on state television, while other candidates have got barely a look-in. His campaign has exploited a provision in Russian law that does not include coverage of an official's state duties as election campaigning.

Mr Medvedev has been shown criss-crossing the country in his position as first deputy prime minister, while the others get barely a mention as mere candidates. Russia's Central Election Commission has repeatedly declared that it sees no imbalance in this coverage.

Officially Medvedev has taken only one day off work to appear as an election candidate. Needless to say, he enjoyed blanket coverage then too. He also refused to take part in televised debates with the other candidates.

Will the election of Medvedev make any difference to Putin's power?

Many think not, but potentially it could have a big impact. Putin has emphasised that executive power in Russia rests with the Prime Minister as head of the Government. But he himself created the so-called "vertical of power" that centralises almost total authority in the President's hands.

Mr Medvedev will inherit that power and he will be able, if he desires, to sack Mr Putin as prime minister or dispatch him to another position. Mr Putin, at least formally, can not sack Mr Medvedev.

What is Medvedev's attitude to foreign policy?

He is being presented as a moderniser who is sympathetic towards the West, a sort of kinder, gentler version of Putin. We are being led to expect that Putin's harsh rhetoric towards the West will be toned down. But Mr Medvedev recently echoed his mentor's view that the British Council, which was forced to close two regional offices in January, was a front for espionage activities by MI6 and it remains to be seen how much he is willing or is allowed to break away from this confrontational approach.

Will the next President have a more liberal domestic approach?

Again, he has certainly talked a good talk and declared recently that "freedom in all its manifestations" was the most important principle for a prosperous modern state.

At the same time, he has been involved in an administration that has dismantled the Yukos oil company, curbed freedom of speech and suppressed political opposition.

People are waiting to see which Dmitri Medvedev will be the President once he is in the Kremlin.

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