AFTER four days the war has become real. In the early moments of operations, a sense of elation always accompanies the attacker. But now the unopposed dash across the desert is over. Iraqi resistance is stiffening. The marvels of high-tech strikes on Baghdad seem routine, and there is a finite number of militarily significant targets in Baghdad.

The first adverse reports are coming in: aircraft accidents, a soldier attacking his commanders, an aircraft downed by “friendly fire”, casualties and losses on the ground.

As the forces approach Baghdad, the resistance will, inevitably, stiffen. Already, the Iraqis have begun to move women and children to the front ranks as human shields. The Fedayeen forces are embedded in the rear of the Iraqi forces, stiffening resistance with the threat of their machineguns. The threat of chemical weapons grows more imminent with each mile towards Baghdad.

But no one should believe that these problems will diminish the will or the intensity of the campaign. Not all yesterday’s pictures of American captives and dead are being shown in the United States. But the frightened faces and lifeless bodies would, if broadcast, provoke even stronger outrage and anger at Saddam. If anything, a sight of reality will make the combatants, leaders and public even more determined.

After wrestling with the uncertainties of Turkish politics, and modifying the plans to launch an early strike against Iraqi leaders, the operation has moved forward almost exactly as planned. A remarkably effective US-British combined special operation took al-Faw peninsula, averted a mining threat to the Gulf and set the stage for clearing the port of Umm Qasr and bringing in humanitarian supplies.

In western Iraq another special operation seized the Iraqi airfield at H3 and was deployed into the Scud-firing zone in western Iraq. No Iraqi Scuds have been launched at Israel.

In northern Iraq, despite the fact that no US troops could move through Turkey, the situation has remained stable and there are reports of Iraqi forces wanting to surrender. From Kuwait, more than two powerful divisions have thrust approximately two thirds of the distance towards Baghdad.

These are considerable accomplishments. Iraqi resistance has been sporadic, but not negligible. Communications, logistics, and force integrity has been maintained across a significant distance. The command is fighting simultaneously “deep” — ie: against the Iraqi leadership with the bombing and special forces, and “close” as the manoeuvre forces close in on Baghdad.

Warfare is always marked by ups and downs, and the emotions tend to rise and fall dramatically with each event. Today, intrusive media and live battlefield reporting magnify those emotions, posing an even greater challenge to command. But successful military leaders have to work through the emotional swings, maintaining balance and perspective, fighting through fatigue, doubts from others, and the uncertainties of the battlefield. There is every indication that this US-led coalition force and its leaders are doing just that.

From the political perspective, the historical record is replete with the phenomenon that resistance does not undercut popular determination, but rather strengthens it. Certainly, the British will did not break under Nazi Germany’s attacks in 1940. Nor, despite all the efforts expended over North Vietnam, was popular opinion or the leadership broken in the North.

Even in the Kosovo operation, as Serb special forces seized three American soldiers and displayed them on television, a dubious public opinion in the US hardened. As the pictures of the roughed-up American soldiers flashed across the screen, American ire was roused. As the commander, I received not a single warning to reduce risks and pay more attention to force protection. Instead we looked for rescue and retribution.

The scenes of those American soldiers held captive and, possibly, executed, will inflame US public opinion; opinion that is already 75 per cent in favor of this operation. Those who are demonstrating against the operation will have to contend with even stronger public sympathies for the troops. This may well strengthen support for the policies that took us to war. As for the leaders of the coalition, President Bush and Tony Blair, there is no turning back. They, of all people, understand clearly that they must press ahead with even more determination.

But the psychology of war works both ways. The shock and awe campaign, the thrust towards Baghdad, and the continued pressure against President Saddam Hussein’s regime are unlikely to diminish his determination to resist. Given the overwhelming military power that the US and Britain can bring to bear, the ultimate military outcome is hardly in doubt. Nevertheless, there are likely to be more hard days ahead. And then the really tough work begins: dealing with the aftermath of war.

General Wesley Clark was Supreme Allied Commander Europe 1997-2000, and led Nato forces during the Kosovo campaign.

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