Sheltering behind blast walls or lying flat in the dirt with mortar shells exploding near by, British troops are under fire in Basra as they prepare to hand control of security to the Iraqi authorities.

The incoming rounds are, however, dismissed as an inconvenient distraction rather than a reason to retreat, as soldiers at a key base in the city centre prepared for a planned withdrawal in the coming weeks.

After moving from Basra Palace to their headquarters outside the town, commanders will decide when to let the Iraqi security forces take charge of the last British-secured province in Iraq. This could take place next month, although the timing will depend on the readiness of the Iraqi Army, the police and the local council to take over.

British officers say that the rockets fired by Iranian-backed militias are intended to create the false impression that British forces are being chased out of Iraq. “The levels of indirect fire . . . have caused some surprise, but it isn’t going to work because we are working to our own timeline,” said Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Sanders, commanding officer of the 4th Battalion, The Rifles.

Iraq timeline: five years of conflict

From accusations that the weapons of mass destruction dossier had been sexed-up to withdrawal of British troops from Basra

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He is based at Basra Palace, a sprawling complex of mansions linked by hump-back bridges and winding roads, built on the bank of the Shatt al-Arab waterway.

The British drawdown — troop levels are due to shrink to 5,000 from 5,500 by December — is in stark contrast to the US surge of an extra 28,000 troops in and around Baghdad, which is aimed at combating sectarian violence and al-Qaeda attacks.

British officers are quick to emphasise that the Shia-dominated south lacks the internecine tensions found in central Iraq. About 90 per cent of the violence is directed against British forces, they say, while the rest is a mixture of mafia-style gangsterism and “ordinary decent crime”. Their belief is that once Britain is removed from the equation, rival Shia militias, tribes and political parties are expected to settle down together after a brief power struggle. Commanders reject the fears of some local people that their city will descend into anarchy without a British presence.

“British troops aren’t working down here. Not because of mass, not because of courage, not because of equipment but because we are the wrong tool for the job,” a senior British officer said. “The problems down here are political. They are social. Basra has got to sort itself out.”

Until they leave British Forces will continue to attract indirect fire — the current palace record is 75 rounds in one day — and risk being ambushed when conducting operations in the city. They will also take more casualties, with 37 British soldiers killed in Iraq this year alone.

On the ground, troops say that mortar and rocket attacks will be their lasting memory of Basra.

“The blasts are scary when you are out in the open,” said Sergeant Mark Storer, as he cleared up rubbish left by a diplomatic and military US contingent that had been sharing Basra Palace. The Americans moved out at the end of July before the British departure.

“There is nothing you can do apart from suck it up until that final bomb and you know you are all right,” said the 37-year-old soldier from Bournemouth, adding: “Then you get the giggles.”

Much has changed for British troops since they arrived in the hot, oil-rich south in 2003 with high hopes of installing democratic rule, building a new security force and funding life-changing reconstruction projects as the second-biggest coalition power in Iraq behind the US.

At first they were welcomed with open arms. Pictures of British soldiers in soft hats interacting with local civilians were envied by the US military as it battled against an increasingly ugly insurgency in and around Baghdad. But somewhere during the past four years Britain has lost its magic touch.

Shia militias, such as al-Mahdi Army, have infiltrated the police and army, effectively controlling parts of Basra where the British no longer have a presence. Oil smuggling and political corruption are widespread, while the locals believe that basic services remain poor at best.

Such problems and the perceived inability of Britain to fix them created an increasingly hostile environment for British Forces to operate in, further limiting their effectiveness.

“We had great hopes for wonderful things to happen when the coalition arrived,” Munadil Abdul Khanjer, a provincial councillor and chairman of the council’s economics committee, said. “We thought they would change Iraq into another Japan or Germany,” he added. “But in 2005 the point of view of the citizens changed towards the British troops and people started to see them as an occupying force, not heroes coming in to help.”

British officers concede that some aspirations had been unrealistic, but insist that massive strides were made, namely training the Iraqi Army and police as well as helping Basra to hold democratic elections to form the Provincial Council.

The institutions are not perfect but they are up and running and angling for full responsibility once Britain, its coalition partners and the Government of Iraq give the green light.

In a sign that such a time is drawing near, Nouri al-Maliki, the Prime Minister, recently appointed a new security chief and head of police in Basra to bolster the chain of command.

“I have one goal, to bring security to Basra province,” General Mohan al-Fraiji, the security tsar, said. “The decision has already been made from high up that by middle to late September Basra will be in our hands.” Mr al-Maliki also ordered Mohammed al-Waili, Basra’s struggling Governor, to adhere to a vote of no confidence passed by the provincial council and step down. Mr al-Waili is stubbornly staying on for now, though British officials insist that this squabble will not affect their handover plans.

Political infighting and corruption in the security forces are seen as Iraqi problems that need an Iraqi solution. But one area where Britain could have had a bigger impact is reconstruction.

“I think there is a general British sense that we would have liked to have done more, and I think we are still puzzling over why the reconstruction was not as effective as it might have been,” the senior British officer said.

Since the invasion Britain has spent or committed £744 million to help to rebuild water mains, schools and a host of other projects. Lieutenant- Colonel Peter Sims, an Australian officer in charge of civil military effects, said much was invested in electricity, water and sewage.

“Unfortunately from a perception point of view, people thought we weren’t doing anything because people could not see it,” Colonel Sims said.

“But the reality was that in that time a lot of the infrastructure was rebuilt.” Mr Khanjer, the provincial councillor, disagreed, saying that there had been no marked improvement in the electricity or sewage systems, though water was slightly better. As for smaller projects such as rebuilding classrooms, much money was pocketed by corrupt contractors, as security fears often prevented officials from visiting projects.

Increasingly, the provincial council is taking the lead with reconstruction efforts, ensuring that all work is contracted at a reasonable price and actually takes place. Such autonomy is a further sign that Basra, a port city with huge economic potential, is ready for provincial control.

The final transition date will be fixed only once British Forces exit Basra Palace — once a playground for Saddam Hussein’s family — as well as the Provincial Joint Co-ordination Centre, a small British-Iraqi outpost in the heart of the city.

This withdrawal of some 800 troops to the military’s headquarters at an airport several miles away is a prospect few relish, saying that they prefer being in the thick of the action.

“I don’t want to go back to the COB [Contingency Operating Base],” Lance Corporal Steven Pallett, 21, said. “All the guys do there is drink milkshakes.”

In reality the airport base gets more than its fair share of indirect fire, forcing soldiers to be on alert at all times. Such attacks are likely to rise once it becomes the last British stronghold.

Troops on the base will still be able to defend themselves and conduct raids, but they run the risk of losing credibility if they stay in Iraq too long after handing over the Basra security brief.

Local people dislike the British presence but show mixed emotions at the prospect of it ending.

“I don’t want the British to leave because the Iraqi security forces are not ready,” Laith Hashem Hassan, 34, a financial auditor, said.

However, Louay al-Batat, the Basra deputy governor, said: “I would prefer for them to go so that we, the Basra people, can work together and rebuild our city.”

Some 500 troops will leave Iraq after the transition, but a sizeable footprint is due to remain as the military adopts a more supportive role in Basra. This is already the case in Iraq’s three other southern provinces that have been transferred to Iraqi control by the British-led coalition.

How long they stay is up to Gordon Brown, but one thing is certain, the impression that British troops leave behind is unlikely to be positive.

A senior Iraqi officer summed it up: “Their legacy will be bombs and tanks.” The senior British officer predicted the lasting sentiment would be “gratitude and disappointment”.

Moving out

5,500 British troops in Iraq, down from a peak of 46,000 at the start of the war

4 southern provinces put under control of British forces: Muthanna, Dhi Qar, Maysan and Basra. They withdrew from Muthanna in July 2006, Dhi Qar in September 2006 and Maysan in April of this year

164 British troops have died in Iraq since 2004; 127 as a result of hostile action

Source: MOD, icasualties.org, Times research

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