The results in full

Irish voters have given Gordon Brown another thumping political headache just as his victory on the antiterrorism vote and the shock resignation of David Davis had eased his woes.

After picking up the baton from Tony Blair and pushing the Lisbon treaty through Parliament – against the wishes of the Conservatives and many of his own MPs – a “yes” vote yesterday would have closed an uncomfortable chapter for the Prime Minister. For years he has been urging the EU to concentrate on issues that affect people’s lives and he had been hoping that next week’s summit in Brussels would focus on food and fuel prices.

Now he finds himself embroiled in yet another introverted debate about the EU’s institutional structure, the very subject that he believes turns voters against the EU.

David Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, swiftly announced yesterday that Britain would complete its process of ratification next week. The Bill is almost through both Houses; after a third reading debate in the Lords on Wednesday, Royal Assent will follow and it will be on the statute book.

But for what purpose have so many parliamentary hours been exhausted? Without an Irish “yes” the treaty cannot be implemented. The French and Germans were quick yesterday to urge every other country to complete its ratification. They seem to be plotting already to use this pressure to carry on without the Irish; the French Europe Minister talked of seeking a new “legal arrangement” for Ireland.

When the dust has settled across Europe on the treaty’s only referendum verdict, Paris and Berlin may well find that there is no appetite for another old-fashioned stitch-up in the corridors of Brussels and that it must be abandoned.

David Cameron, the Tory leader, said that after the rejection of the EU constitution by French and Dutch voters in 2005, it was time to accept that the reform plan was over.

He said that it would be the “height of arrogance” for Gordon Brown to continue the ratification process in Britain. “By all rights now it should be declared dead. The French said ‘no’ to it, the Dutch said ‘no’ to it, then it was brought back and the only people who have been given a chance to pass judgment on it, the Irish, have now said ‘no’ to it,” he said.

When Mr Brown speaks to the long-planned European summit on Thursday, he will urge the EU not to become mired in a debate about how to react to the Irish result. They have to discuss what happened but he will tell fellow leaders that the public expects them to get on to more important matters, and quickly.

Officials say that the emerging consensus between leaders – Mr Brown spoke yesterday to President Sarkozy, Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, and Brian Cowen, the Irish leader – is that at this stage Ireland’s Government must decide what to do.

Like a naughty schoolboy, Mr Cowen will be expected to present his homework when he attends his first EU summit. Fellow leaders will be looking for clear guidance on the possibility of a second referendum in the light of previous remarks that the treaty would not be put to voters again. Although the meeting will be run by Slovenia, everyone will be looking to Mr Sarkozy for a lead.

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