The Moriarty tribunal has discovered that no good turn goes unpunished. In the past month, lawyers working for the tribunal, who have diligently investigated allegations of political corruption involving Charles Haughey and wealthy business figures, have been showing relevant parties their findings, despite being under no obligation to do so.

This decision was taken on the grounds of fairness.

The individuals have been offered the chance to challenge the finding about themselves in advance of the publication of Justice Michael Moriarty’s final report into Haughey’s corruption.

It has not been the quiet, private process the tribunal would have wanted. Instead we have been treated to self-serving spinning as certain individuals took the opportunity to get their version of events into the public domain first. These media stories, credited to unattributed “sources”, should be seen as nothing more than a cynical attempt to neuter the impact of Moriarty’s report by sowing confusion and ennui.

It hasn’t been as brazen as Albert Reynolds’s claim, prior to publication of the beef tribunal report, that he had been vindicated when a fuller read showed he had not. But this bout of spinning hasn’t been far behind in its audacity.

Bertie Ahern was the first beneficiary of a leak, instigated by persons unknown. He was quizzed in the witness stand about his habit of signing blank cheques on the Fianna Fail party leader’s account that were then used for Haughey’s personal benefit instead of political uses, as intended.

Haughey was stealing money from his own party, and buying Charvet shirts and expensive meals with funds provided by the state. According to the leaks, Moriarty will state that the current taoiseach was foolish to sign books of blank cheques.

We don’t know how Ahern feels about this information being leaked to the press. A spokesman for the taoiseach told The Sunday Times on the Saturday evening the report first appeared that it would be inappropriate to comment on a leak while the work of the tribunal was still in progress. But unidentified friends of Ahern were quoted as expressing a lack of concern about Moriarty’s criticism.

It is not hard to anticipate the response from the taoiseach’s allies when the finding is confirmed. The airwaves will be filled with commentators proclaiming that all this Moriarty business is “old news”. Sure, didn’t Bertie explain the whole thing long before the last election when he went to the tribunal? We’ll be told that nobody cares about this ancient business and that, in any event, there was nothing in it for Bertie.

You can see the logic. Our corruption tribunals have become the political equivalent of TV soap operas: long-running, always on, sometimes watched, often ignored but retaining the capacity to spark dramatically into life when something unexpected happens. And like soaps, the occasional leak can whet the appetite or condition the audience to a certain outcome.

Haughey missed the last years of the investigation on the grounds of ill-health and then predeceased the outcome. Michael Lowry is preparing for his third successful general election campaign since his indebtedness to Ben Dunne was revealed.

Dunne, who added sex and drugs to the plot, has become a curiously popular public figure despite bunging millions of pounds to Haughey while he was taoiseach. His willingness to admit to his addictions and flaws has endeared him to the public; but keen Moriarty watchers will be in no doubt about the importance of the relationship between Dunne and Haughey.

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