THE Hezbollah commander emerged from the shadows of a destroyed building with the calm confidence of a man in charge. “Haj” (pilgrim), as local people called him with respect, did not carry a gun and the only hints that he belonged to Lebanon’s most powerful military force were his trademark close-cropped beard, baseball cap and a two-way radio that crackled quietly on his belt.

As thousands of Lebanese army soldiers and foreign troops prepare to deploy under French command in the hills of southern Lebanon, people such as Haj and his fighters pose the greatest challenge to the success of the mission.

Foreign ministers from contributing nations such as Turkey and Pakistan were negotiating with Lebanese leaders yesterday to finalise details of the deployment.

The Lebanese Cabinet approved the deployment today of its troops south of the Litani river, but skirted the issue of Hezbollah weapons. So far no one has explained how foreign peacekeepers and Lebanon’s weak central Government plan to neutralise Hezbollah to prevent the outbreak of another round of fighting with Israel.

Israel unleashed the might of its military for more than a month to do the job and failed.

Other guerrilla fighters in his place would no doubt have recounted an exaggerated version of his exploits in stopping the advance of the most powerful army in the Middle East. But Haj and his men, perhaps wary of revealing military secrets and eager not to appear bellicose, kept to a minimum the details of a fierce battle less than a mile outside Zebkin.

“We fought them to a halt about a kilometre from the village. It was a victory for us, that is all I can tell you,” he said. “Now we are working to rebuild this village and help the people to return to their normal lives.”

As he spoke, Hezbollah members were clearing away unexploded Israeli ordnance, removing rubble from the streets and preparing a full inventory of the damage caused during the fighting. Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, the Hezbollah leader, announced this week that the group would pay $10,000 (£5,300) compensation to each of the 15,000 families who lost their homes in the fighting.

“What people outside do not understand is that the Lebanese Government does not care what happens to us down here,” said Nader Sharif Bazih, a taxi driver who had just returned to the village with his family to survey the extensive damage to his home and minibus. When The Times suggested that the international community wanted to disarm Hezbollah and put security in the hands of the Lebanese Army, as authorised by the UN, he shook his head. “As long as Israel exists we will be at war with them. I don’t care if the Lebanese Army and UN troops or even the President of the United States of America guarantee our safety. I prefer Hezbollah. It is the only group that has proved it can do it,” he said.

Ali, another villager, put it more delicately: “The Lebanese Army is good at helping the people of Lebanon. Hezbollah is good at defending Lebanon.”

The views are widely shared among many Shia Muslims, outraged by the Israeli bombing campaign that primarily targeted their areas. There is a sense that other communities were spared and that they must defend themselves through the one Shia group that has proved its military prowess.

Certainly Haj and his men did not seem intimidated by the prospect of having Hezbollah’s authority challenged by 30,000 troops, including UN peace-keepers who have been deployed here in smaller numbers for nearly 30 years.

“If the UN and the Lebanese Army come here to defend Lebanon against Israeli attacks, then there will be no problem,” Haj said. “If they try to take away the arms Hezbollah used to defend Lebanon, there will be a very strong reaction from the people.”

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