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The excited predictions were of draining the “poison” of international terrorism with progress in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, winning Palestinian pledges to streamline their security forces and international commitments to rebuild Gaza.
This weekend Ehud Olmert, the Israeli Prime Minister, flies to London, carrying his own plans for the future, the talks of last year scarcely a footnote in the history of failed Middle East initiatives, and the Palestinians and the peace process in even more parlous state.
The “streamlined” security forces are shooting at each other and donors have frozen aid to the authority, now controlled by the Islamist Hamas, which constitutionally rejects Israel’s right to exist, although it has offered a long-term truce. Gaza remains unreconstructed.
So, when Mr Olmert steps off the aircraft on Sunday, the British Government will be in what one official described as “listening mode”. During the two-day visit Mr Olmert will seek Britain’s support for his plan to remove Israeli settlers from isolated Jewish settlements in the West Bank, in return for the de facto annexation of larger settlements.
The plan is still without a name. The positive-sounding but vague “convergence” has given way to “realignment”. It remains unclear how many West Bank settlements will be evacuated and, crucially, whether the Israeli military will continue to occupy them after settlers leave.
Palestinians and the international community are also waiting to see how much of the newly fenced-off West Bank and fertile Jordan Valley Israel will seek to retain for what it calls security purposes, a policy that Palestinians dismiss as a land grab in the heartland of their future state. Clashes between Israeli forces and militants remain frequent.
“What is perceived in Israel as a tremendous concession — a withdrawal from 90 per cent of the West Bank — is being described internationally as an attempt to seize control of the rest of the territory,” Aluf Benn, an analyst, wrote in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. “The reports about systematic starvation of Palestinians and about sufferers from kidney ailments who died due to lack of treatment have further undermined the Israeli position.”
During Mr Olmert’s first overseas visit, to Washington, President Bush — unwilling to risk Arab anger — gave only qualified backing to the Israeli leader’s ideas. He called them bold but urged him first to seek a negotiated agreement with the moderate President Abbas.
Analysts have noted that, since Mr Olmert visited Washington, Israeli rhetoric has shifted towards talking up Mr Bush’s long-stalled two-state solution.
Outlining the agenda of Mr Olmert’s trip to Britain, Ranaan Gissin, a senior aide, said that the emphasis would be on “presenting his political programme” and trying to revive the road map.
“The buzzword is co-ordination and co-operation with the European countries,” he said. “Great Britain and Europe in general play a very important role with regard to financial assistance to the Palestinians. The main thrust of Israel’s diplomatic effort is to do with the treatment of Hamas, and reinforcing and strengthening Abu Mazen (Mr Abbas).”
British officials said that they expected to learn more about Israel’s West Bank proposals and the mechanism for channelling aid to Palestinians.
Israel, the US and Europe regard Hamas as a terrorist organisation and have refused to deal with it until it meets conditions laid down by the Quartet that it recognise Israel, renounce violence and abide by past agreements.()
PROMISES, 2005
The main points agreed at Tony Blair’s one-day summit devoted to the Palestinian Authority last year. The Israeli Government was not among the 30 countries and organisations that attended
Palestinian commitments
International commitments
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