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RAÚL CASTRO has been handed power by his elder brother Fidel, the world’s
longest-serving leader, with a promptness of which Gordon Brown or the
Prince of Wales can only dream.
Even if the handover is temporary in name, as Fidel Castro maintains, many
reckon it will be permanent in effect, as the iconic leader’s health fails.
For all Fidel’s well-advertised preparations for this shift, which has been
uncertain only in its timing, it may not secure his legacy as he intends.
But neither may it open the door to the reforms which Cubans desperately
want. The risk for Cuba is that Raúl will prove an awkward and unpopular
leader: a paler copy of Fidel without the charisma. Many fear that he has a
greater propensity for brutal repression than his brother, and a more
limited vision, which could set the island on the path to violent upheaval,
not prosperous reform.
At 75, the youngest of three brothers, he is only five years younger than
Fidel and is inevitably seen as a transitional figure. Cubans fear that he
will be weak and that corruption and turmoil will destroy the best remnants
of Fidel’s socialist dream, while putting prosperity out of reach.
Two months ago, the party newspaper Granma (named after the boat on
which Castro and his guerrillas arrived to fight the revolution) carried a
long profile of Raúl, now defence chief. That was widely seen as the start
of Fidel’s campaign to introduce his brother to Cubans as their next leader.
That campaign was never going to be easy. Even though Raúl has long been seen
as the heir apparent, he is a shadowy figure compared with his loquacious
and highly visible brother. Cubans know he is there but they do not know him
well — and what they do know, they do not always like.
His authority, such as it is, stems not just from his position as head of the
army, but from his record fighting at his brother’s side before the 1959
revolution which toppled the dictator Fulgencio Batista.
His reputation for ruthlessness stems from those early days. One of his first
acts was to order the execution of 100 Batista military officers.
He has been married for more than 45 years to Vilma Espín, a chemical
engineering graduate from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who had
also fought beside him in the mountains. They have three daughters and a
son. Some officials say that, contrary to an austere public image, he is
warmer and “more human” than Fidel: singing, dancing, drinking and boasting
fondly about grandchildren.
Many analysts say that he is much more pragmatic than his extravagantly
idealistic brother, although he has been just as hardline towards the US.
They credit Raúl with considerable managerial talent (easily eclipsing his
erratic brother).
He has support from the 49,000-strong army which he built up, and has been
famously intolerant of glossed-up reports from provincial ministers as the
economy stuttered.
That is now his biggest dilemma. Fidel’s triumphs — strikingly high standards
of healthcare and education, for a comparatively poor country — are
deteriorating fast. The economy is sustained mainly by tourism and cash sent
back from Miami exiles, although things are less bleak than in the early
1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union deprived Cuba of cheap oil and
technology from its former protector.
In the face of this, Fidel has been fighting a battle that Tony Blair would
recognise: to try to ensure that his ideals survive him. Raúl, at least, is
expected to support that. As one US analyst put it: “He was a Marxist before
his brother.”
In doing that, he may well back himself up with a troika of younger ministers:
Pérez Roque, the 41-year-old Foreign Minister; Ricardo Alarcón, president of
the National Assembly, 69; and Carlos Lage, the economics czar, 54.
But upholding those harsh ideals will not win him adoration, given the
desperation of many Cubans for a better life.
The risk now is that Fidel’s death could bring turmoil: younger Cubans might
stream out while Miami exiles poured in, claiming ownership of old villas
and plantations.
Facing those threats, Raúl has all the disadvantages of being the younger
brother of a superstar, without the advantage of actual youth.
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