THIS is the new front line in the populist, left-wing revolution sweeping Latin America: in front of a vast phalanx of the poor of Peru, clad in red T-shirts and holding nationalist banners on long bamboo poles, a former army officer and failed coup leader jogs on to the stage in a pack of identically dressed supporters.

Bemused American tourists look down from the balconies of the Sheraton Hotel in Lima, sipping $8 pisco sours.

With Washington nervously watching the leftward swing of its long-neglected backyard, Ollanta Humala, the front-runner in tomorrow’s general election, is proposing to transform his impoverished country with nationalism and populism.

It is a recipe that would put him on a collision course with the US and propel Peru into the camp of leaders such as Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan President who enjoys vast oil wealth and close ties to Fidel Castro of Cuba and Evo Morales, the indigenous coca farmer who last year became President of neighbouring Bolivia.

Tapping into continent-wide anger at continued grinding poverty and exploitation by small elites — despite five years of economic growth in Peru — Señor Humala has swept from relative obscurity to the front of the political stage. “Our nationalism is the defence of our country. Nationalism is the recovery of our sovereignty, the protection of our natural resources. It’s a nationalism that is modern, not authoritarian as many political adversaries say,” he bellowed at his closing rally.

Like thousands of supporters bussed in from far-flung provinces, he had the words “Love for Peru” emblazoned on his T-shirt. Many here see the former soldier’s lack of political experience as a plus in a country where politicians are seen as corrupt lackeys pandering to foreign corporations. Playing up his indigenous roots he reminded supporters that his name means “warrior who sees all” in native Quechua.

Despite allegations that he “disappeared” peasants while fighting the Maoist Shining Path guerrillas during the 1980s and 1990s, charges he denies, many of his supporters admire him as a decisive leader capable of bringing order to a failing state.

“This is the option for change,” said Norberto Villa Huaringa, a pensioner who travelled 48 hours by bus to attend the rally.

“Throughout our history we have been duped. Instead of things getting better they have got worse. Some say that we are jumping into the abyss, but I don’t think it’s true. This country has been plagued by corruption. All state functionaries have a great salary while the people starve.”

Señor Humala has been deliberately vague about his plans to transform Peru. While threatening to rip up a free-trade initiative with the US, he has also tried to steady stock market wobbles by pledging not to nationalise Peru’s huge gas and oil reserves controlled by Western multinationals.

Instead he has played the emotive, populist ticket. At his rally Andean nose-flute players thrummed the lambada as women in skimpy traditional costumes flashed their thonged rumps before a giant screen to an audience waving “Yes to nationalism” banners.

But unlike Señor Chávez and Señor Morales, who used their humble beginnings to win popular support, Peru’s would-be social revolutionary, who led a failed coup in 2000 against the regime of President Fujimori, has had to distance himself from his privileged upbringing and controversial roots.

His father founded an ultra-nationalist movement claiming the racial purity of indigenous Peruvians, while his mother advocated shooting homosexuals to tackle “immorality”.

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