THE mandate makes it sound as dull as the Queen’s Speech in Britain.

The United States President shall, according to Article II of the US Constitution, “from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient”.

The reality, 216 years after George Washington first delivered a State of the Union ad- dress, is more akin to the Superbowl or, perhaps, the Oscars.

When George Bush stands before both houses of Congress on Tuesday night, the live television audience is likely to top 40 million people. These speeches always matter.

In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, Mr Bush spoke about Iraq (and Iran) being part of an “axis of evil”. In 1999 Bill Clinton faced a Congress fizzing with excitement about his appearance earlier that day at an impeachment trial in the Senate chamber.

In contrast, how many people watch the medieval rituals of the Queen’s Speech and has anybody ever bothered to find out? Indeed, can anyone remember a single line delivered by Her Majesty in her high-pitched regal monotone?

Admittedly, there was a time when US presidents fought shy of speaking. Thomas Jefferson thought Washington’s presentation was “too kingly” for the new republic and chose, instead, to deliver Congress a written message.

But since Woodrow Wilson revived the speech in 1913, the State of the Union has been an opportunity to speak directly to the nation. In 1965 Lyndon Johnson switched the timing from mid-afternoon to 9pm EST so that he could reach a prime-time audience. In 2002 Bush went live on a webcast.

The set-up is now designed to keep millions of viewers on the edge of their sofas. Those with limited attention spans are stirred by references to special guests sitting with the First Lady in the speaker’s gallery.

Ronald Reagan, the Great Communicator who understood better than most the importance of a television cutaway, introduced the practice in 1982 by calling on the hero of a Washington plane crash to take a bow. It is now an essential component of the show. Last year it was the turn of fledgeling Iraqi democrats and the mother of a fallen American soldier (they hugged).

This year, a Sunni woman who backs the war might fit the bill. Jack Abramoff, the Republican lobbyist at the heart of the Congressional bribery scandal, probably will not.

The other regular diversion will be the applause. Bush’s rousing ovation from his own party may be a little more muted this year ahead of mid-term elections in which some Republicans have a better chance if they let go of the presidential coat-tails.

The Democrats will still be expected to pay heed to national unity by clapping politely. But look out for the likes of Ted Kennedy sitting on their hands when the President talks about Iraq and his conservative Supreme Court nominees.

So what will Mr Bush say on Tuesday? Last summer he was being written-off as a lame duck. But aides are now talking up “the Bush comeback story”, with one telling reporters recently: “The perfect storm has receded. We have better news in Iraq, oil prices are down and Katrina has kind of fallen off the radar screen.”

The President is likely to set out a fresh agenda with a focus on healthcare reform, tax cuts, illegal immigration and America’s international economic competitiveness.

But Mr Bush is also expected to return to the winning strategy of 2002 and 2004 by charting a long course on foreign policy, emphasising the war on terror and the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran ahead of the daily carnage in Iraq. This has already been aired in recent speeches.

The State of the Union address gives the President the power to communicate with his nation in front of a captive Congress and his entire Cabinet.

Well, almost entire. One member of the Administration is always missing, just in case calamity strikes the House of Representative chamber. Whoever is selected gets whisked away by the Secret Service with a full complement of military attachés, personal physicians and nuclear passwords.

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